FOR RELEASE JUNE 2, 2021
FOR MEDIA OR OTHER INQUIRIES:
Carroll Doherty, Director of Political Research
Jocelyn Kiley, Associate Director, Research
Nida Asheer, Communications Manager
Calvin Jordan, Communications Associate
202.419.4372
www.pewresearch.org
RECOMMENDED CITATION
Pew Research Center, June 2021, “Most Americans
Favor the Death Penalty Despite Concerns About Its
Administration”
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About Pew Research Center
Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes
and trends shaping the world. It does not take policy positions. The Center conducts public
opinion polling, demographic research, content analysis and other data-driven social science
research. It studies U.S. politics and policy; journalism and media; internet, science and
technology; religion and public life; Hispanic trends; global attitudes and trends; and U.S. social
and demographic trends. All of the Center’s reports are available at www.pewresearch.org. Pew
Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder.
© Pew Research Center 2021
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How we did this
Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand Americans’ views about the death
penalty. For this analysis, we surveyed 5,109 U.S. adults from April 5 to 11, 2021. Everyone who
took part in this survey is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online
survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This
way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of
the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other
categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology.
Here are the questions used for the report, along with responses, and its methodology.
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The use of the death penalty is gradually disappearing in the United States. Last year, in part
because of the coronavirus outbreak, fewer people were executed than in any year in nearly three
decades.
Yet the death penalty for
people convicted of murder
continues to draw support from
a majority of Americans despite
widespread doubts about its
administration, fairness and
whether it deters serious
crimes.
More Americans favor than
oppose the death penalty: 60%
of U.S. adults favor the death
penalty for people convicted of
murder, including 27% who
strongly favor it. About four-in-
ten (39%) oppose the death
penalty, with 15% strongly
opposed, according to a new
Pew Research Center survey.
The survey, conducted April 5-
11 among 5,109 U.S. adults on
the Center’s American Trends
Panel, finds that support for
the death penalty is 5
percentage points lower than it
was in August 2020, when 65%
said they favored the death
Majority of Americans favor death penalty, but nearly
eight-in-ten see ‘some risk’ of executing the innocent
% who ___ the death penalty for persons convicted of murder
% who say …
Note: No answer responses not shown.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
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penalty for people convicted of murder.
While public support for the death penalty has changed only
modestly in recent years, support for the death penalty declined
substantially between the late 1990s and the 2010s. (See “Death
penalty draws more Americans’ support online than in
telephone surveys” for more on long-term measures and the
challenge of comparing views across different survey modes.)
Large shares of Americans express concerns over how the death
penalty is administered and are skeptical about whether it
deters people from committing serious crimes.
Nearly eight-in-ten (78%) say there is some risk that an
innocent person will be put to death, while only 21% think there
are adequate safeguards in place to prevent that from
happening. Only 30% of death penalty supporters – and just 6%
of opponents – say adequate safeguards exist to prevent
innocent people from being executed.
A majority of Americans (56%) say Black people are more likely
than White people to be sentenced to the death penalty for
being convicted of serious crimes. This view is particularly
widespread among Black adults: 85% of Black adults say Black
people are more likely than Whites to receive the death penalty
for being convicted of similar crimes (61% of Hispanic adults
and 49% of White adults say this).
Moreover, more than six-in-ten Americans (63%), including about half of death penalty supporters
(48%), say the death penalty does not deter people from committing serious crimes.
Yet support for the death penalty is strongly associated with a belief that when someone commits
murder, the death penalty is morally justified. Among the public overall, 64% say the death
penalty is morally justified in cases of murder, while 33% say it is not justified. An overwhelming
share of death penalty supporters (90%) say it is morally justified under such circumstances,
compared with 25% of death penalty opponents.
Since 2019, modest
changes in views of the
death penalty
% who ___ the death penalty for
persons convicted of murder
% who favor the death penalty for
persons convicted of murder
Note: No answer responses not shown.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted
April 5-11, 2021.
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Greater support for death penalty in online panel surveys than telephone surveys
% who ___ the death penalty for persons convicted of murder
Note: No answer responses not shown.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
The data in the most recent survey, collected from Pew Research Center’s online American Trends Panel
(ATP), finds that 60% of Americans favor the death penalty for persons convicted of murder. Over four ATP
surveys conducted since September 2019, there have been relatively modest shifts in these views – from a
low of 60% seen in the most recent survey to a high of 65% seen in September 2019 and August 2020.
In Pew Research Center phone surveys conducted between September 2019 and August 2020 (with field
periods nearly identical to the online surveys), support for the death penalty was significantly lower: 55%
favored the death penalty in September 2019, 53% in January 2020 and 52% in August 2020. The
consistency of this difference points to substantial mode effects on this question. As a result, survey results
from recent online surveys are not directly comparable with past years’ telephone survey trends. A post
accompanying this report provides further detail and analysis of the mode differences seen on this
question. And for more on mode effects and the transition from telephone surveys to online panel surveys,
see “What our transition to online polling means for decades of phone survey trends” and “Trends are a
cornerstone of public opinion research. How do we continue to track changes in public opinion when
there’s a shift in survey mode?”
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Partisanship continues to be a major factor in support for the death penalty and opinions about its
administration. Just over three-quarters of Republicans and independents who lean toward the
Republican Party (77%) say they favor the death penalty for persons convicted of murder,
including 40% who strongly favor it.
Democrats and Democratic leaners are more divided on this issue: 46% favor the death penalty,
while 53% are opposed. About a quarter of Democrats (23%) strongly oppose the death penalty,
compared with 17% who strongly favor it.
Over the past two years, the share of Republicans who say they favor the death penalty for persons
convicted of murder has decreased slightly – by 7 percentage points – while the share of
Democrats who say this is essentially unchanged (46% today vs. 49% in 2019).
Republicans and Democrats also differ over whether the death penalty is morally justified,
whether it acts as a deterrent to serious crime and whether adequate safeguards exist to ensure
that no innocent person is put to death. Republicans are 29 percentage points more likely than
Democrats to say the death penalty is morally justified, 28 points more likely to say it deters
serious crimes, and 19 points
more likely to say that
adequate safeguards exist.
But the widest partisan divide
– wider than differences in
opinions about the death
penalty itself – is over whether
White people and Black people
are equally likely to be
sentenced to the death penalty
for committing similar crimes.
About seven-in-ten
Republicans (72%) say that
White people and Black people
are equally likely to be
sentenced to death for the same
types of crimes. Only 15% of
Democrats say this. More than
eight-in-ten Democrats (83%)
Partisan differences in views of the death penalty –
especially on racial disparities in sentencing
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
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instead say that Black people are more likely than White people to be sentenced to the death
penalty for committing similar crimes.
There are wide ideological differences within
both parties on this issue. Among Democrats, a
55% majority of conservatives and moderates
favor the death penalty, a position held by just
36% of liberal Democrats (64% of liberal
Democrats oppose the death penalty). A third of
liberal Democrats strongly oppose the death
penalty, compared with just 14% of
conservatives and moderates.
While conservative Republicans are more likely
to express support for the death penalty than
moderate and liberal Republicans, clear
majorities of both groups favor the death
penalty (82% of conservative Republicans and
68% of moderate and liberal Republicans).
As in the past, support for the death penalty
differs across racial and ethnic groups.
Majorities of White (63%), Asian (63%) and
Hispanic adults (56%) favor the death penalty
for persons convicted of murder. Black adults
are evenly divided: 49% favor the death penalty,
while an identical share oppose it.
Support for the death penalty also varies across
age groups. About half of those ages 18 to 29
(51%) favor the death penalty, compared with
about six-in-ten adults ages 30 to 49 (58%) and
those 65 and older (60%). Adults ages 50 to 64
are most supportive of the death penalty, with
69% in favor.
Ideological divides in views of the death
penalty, particularly among Democrats
% who ___ the death penalty for persons convicted of
murder
*Asian adults were interviewed in English only.
Notes: White, Black and Asian adults include those who report being
one race and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race. No answer
responses not shown.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
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There are differences in attitudes by education, as well. Nearly seven-in-ten adults (68%) who have
not attended college favor the death penalty, as do 63% of those who have some college experience
but no degree.
About half of those with four-year undergraduate degrees but no postgraduate experience (49%)
support the death penalty. Among those with postgraduate degrees, a larger share say they oppose
(55%) than favor (44%) the death penalty.
The divide in support for the death penalty
between those with and without college degrees
is seen across racial and ethnic groups, though
the size of this gap varies. A large majority of
White adults without college degrees (72%)
favor the death penalty, compared with about
half (47%) of White adults who have degrees.
Among Black adults, 53% of those without
college degrees favor the death penalty,
compared with 34% of those with college
degrees. And while a majority of Hispanic
adults without college degrees (58%) say they
favor the death penalty, a smaller share (47%)
of those with college degrees say this.
Non-college White, Black and Hispanic
adults more supportive of death penalty
% who favor the death penalty for persons convicted of
murder
*Asian adults were interviewed in English only.
Notes: White, Black and Asian adults include those who report being
one race and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race. Asian
adults without college degrees not shown due to insufficient sample
size.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
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Republicans are consistently more likely than Democrats to favor the death penalty, though there
are divisions within each party by age as well as by race and ethnicity.
Republicans ages 18 to 34 are less likely than other Republicans to say they favor the death
penalty. Just over six-in-ten Republicans in this age group (64%) say this, compared with about
eight-in-ten Republicans ages 35 and older.
Among Democrats, adults ages 50 to 64 are
much more likely than adults in other age
groups to favor the death penalty. A 58%
majority of 50- to 64-year-old Democrats favor
the death penalty, compared with 47% of those
ages 35 to 49 and about four-in-ten Democrats
who are 18 to 34 or 65 and older.
Overall, White adults are more likely to favor
the death penalty than Black or Hispanic
adults, while White and Asian American adults
are equally likely to favor the death penalty.
However, White Democrats are less likely to
favor the death penalty than Black, Hispanic or
Asian Democrats. About half of Hispanic (53%),
Asian (53%) and Black (48%) Democrats favor
the death penalty, compared with 42% of White
Democrats.
About eight-in-ten White Republicans favor the
death penalty, as do about seven-in-ten
Hispanic Republicans (69%).
Partisan gap in views of death penalty is
widest among adults 65 and older
% who favor the death penalty for persons convicted of
murder
*Asian adults were interviewed in English only.
Notes: White, Black and Asian adults include those who report being
one race and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race. Black and
Asian Republicans not shown due to insufficient sample size.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
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There are substantial demographic differences in views of whether death sentencing is applied
fairly across racial groups. While 85% of Black adults say Black people are more likely than White
people to be sentenced to death for committing similar crimes, a narrower majority of Hispanic
adults (61%) and about half of White adults (49%) say the same. People with four-year college
Overwhelming majority of Black adults see racial disparities in death penalty
sentencing, as do a smaller majority of Hispanic adults; White adults are divided
% who say …
*Asian adults were interviewed in English only.
Notes: White, Black and Asian adults include those who report being one race and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race. Asian adults
not shown for all questions due to form splitting. No answer responses not shown.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
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degrees (68%) also are more likely than those who have not completed college (50%) to say that
Black people and White people are treated differently when it comes to the death penalty.
About eight-in-ten Democrats (83%), including fully 94% of liberal Democrats and three-quarters
of conservative and moderate Democrats, say Black people are more likely than White people to be
sentenced to death for committing the same type of crime – a view shared by just 25% of
Republicans (18% of conservative Republicans and 38% of moderate and liberal Republicans).
Across educational and racial or ethnic groups, majorities say that the death penalty does not deter
serious crimes, although there are differences in how widely this view is held. About seven-in-ten
(69%) of those with college degrees say this, as do about six-in-ten (59%) of those without college
degrees. About seven-in-ten Black adults (72%) and narrower majorities of White (62%) and
Hispanic (63%) adults say the same. Asian American adults are more divided, with half saying the
death penalty deters serious crimes and a similar share (49%) saying it does not.
Among Republicans, a narrow majority of conservative Republicans (56%) say the death penalty
does deter serious crimes, while a similar share of moderate and liberal Republicans (57%) say it
does not.
A large majority of liberal Democrats (82%) and a smaller, though still substantial, majority of
conservative and moderate Democrats (70%) say the death penalty does not deter serious crimes.
But Democrats are divided over whether the death penalty is morally justified. A majority of
conservative and moderate Democrats (57%) say that a death sentence is morally justified when
someone commits a crime like murder, compared with fewer than half of liberal Democrats (44%).
There is widespread agreement on one topic related to the death penalty: Nearly eight-in-ten
(78%) say that there is some risk an innocent person will be put to death, including large
majorities among various racial or ethnic, educational, and even ideological groups. For example,
about two-thirds of conservative Republicans (65%) say this – compared with 34% who say there
are adequate safeguards to ensure that no innocent person will be executed – despite conservative
Republicans expressing quite favorable attitudes toward the death penalty on other questions.
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Those who favor the death penalty consistently express more favorable attitudes regarding specific
aspects of the death penalty than those who oppose it.
For instance, nine-in-ten of
those who favor the death
penalty also say that the death
penalty is morally justified
when someone commits a
crime like murder. Just 25% of
those who oppose the death
penalty say it is morally
justified.
This relationship holds among
members of each party. Among
Republicans and Republican
leaners who favor the death
penalty, 94% say it is morally
justified; 86% of Democrats
and Democratic leaners who
favor the death penalty also say
this.
By comparison, just 35% of
Republicans and 21% of
Democrats who oppose the
death penalty say it is morally justified.
Similarly, those who favor the death penalty are more likely to say it deters people from
committing serious crimes. Half of those who favor the death penalty say this, compared with 13%
of those who oppose it. And even though large majorities of both groups say there is some risk an
innocent person will be put to death, members of the public who favor the death penalty are 24
percentage points more likely to say that there are adequate safeguards to prevent this than
Americans who oppose the death penalty.
Support for death penalty is strongly associated with
belief that it is morally justified for crimes like murder
Among those who oppose/favor the death penalty, % who say …
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted April 5-11, 2021.
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On the question of whether Black people and White people are equally likely to be sentenced to
death for committing similar crimes, partisanship is more strongly associated with these views
than one’s overall support for the death penalty: Republicans who oppose the death penalty are
more likely than Democrats who favor it to say White people and Black people are equally likely to
be sentenced to death.
Among Republicans who favor the death penalty, 78% say that Black and White people are equally
likely to receive this sentence. Among Republicans who oppose the death penalty, about half (53%)
say this. However, just 26% of Democrats who favor the death penalty say that Black and White
people are equally likely to receive this sentence, and only 6% of Democrats who oppose the death
penalty say this.
CORRECTION (Jul 13, 2021): The following sentence was updated to reflect the correct
timespan: “Last year, in part because of the coronavirus outbreak, fewer people were executed
than in any year in nearly three decades.” The changes did not affect the report’s substantive
findings.
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Acknowledgments
This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals:
Research team
Carroll Doherty, Director, Political Research
Jocelyn Kiley, Associate Director, Political Research
Baxter Oliphant, Senior Researcher
Andrew Daniller, Research Associate
Bradley Jones, Research Associate
Hannah Hartig, Research Associate
Amina Dunn, Research Analyst
Ted Van Green, Research Assistant
Vianney Gomez, Research Assistant
Communications and editorial
Nida Asheer, Communications Manager
Calvin Jordan, Communications Associate
David Kent, Senior Copy Editor
Graphic design and web publishing
Alissa Scheller, Information Graphics
Designer
Reem Nadeem, Associate Digital Producer
Methodology
Andrew Mercer, Senior Research
Methodologist
Nick Bertoni, Senior Panel Manager
Dorene Asare-Marfo, Research Methodologist
Arnold Lau, Research Analyst
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Methodology
Overview
The American Trends Panel (ATP), created by Pew Research Center, is a nationally representative
panel of randomly selected U.S. adults. Panelists participate via self-administered web surveys.
Panelists who do not have internet access at home are provided with a tablet and wireless internet
connection. Interviews are conducted in both English and Spanish. The panel is being managed by
Ipsos.
Data in this report is drawn from the panel wave conducted April 5 to 11, 2021, and included
oversamples of Asian, Black and Hispanic Americans. A total of 5,109 panelists responded out of
5,970 who were sampled, for a response rate of 86%. This does not include two panelists who were
removed from the data due to extremely high rates of refusal or straightlining. The cumulative
response rate accounting for nonresponse to the recruitment surveys and attrition is 4%. The
break-off rate among panelists who logged on to the survey and completed at least one item is 2%.
The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 5,109 respondents is plus or minus 2.1
percentage points.
Panel recruitment
The ATP was created in 2014, with the first cohort of panelists invited to join the panel at the end
of a large, national, landline
and cellphone random-digit-
dial survey that was conducted
in both English and Spanish.
Two additional recruitments
were conducted using the
same method in 2015 and
2017, respectively. Across
these three surveys, a total of
19,718 adults were invited to
join the ATP, of whom 9,942
(50%) agreed to participate.
In August 2018, the ATP
switched from telephone to
address-based recruitment.
American Trends Panel recruitment surveys
Recruitment dates
Mode
Invited
Joined
Active
panelists
remaining
Jan. 23 to March 16, 2014
Landline/
cell RDD
9,809
5,338
2,183
Aug. 27 to Oct. 4, 2015
Landline/
cell RDD
6,004
2,976
1,243
April 25 to June 4, 2017
Landline/
cell RDD
3,905
1,628
620
Aug. 8 to Oct. 31, 2018
ABS/web
9,396
8,778
5,895
Aug. 19 to Nov. 30, 2019
ABS/web
5,900
4,720
2,327
June 1 to July 19, 2020
ABS/web
1,865
1,636
1,269
Total
36,879
25,076
13,537
Note: Approximately once per year, panelists who have not participated in multiple
consecutive waves or who did not complete an annual profiling survey are removed from the
panel. Panelists also become inactive if they ask to be removed from the panel.
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Invitations were sent to a random, address-based sample of households selected from the U.S.
Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File. Two additional recruitments were conducted using the
same method in 2019 and 2020, respectively. Across these three address-based recruitments, a
total of 17,161 adults were invited to join the ATP, of whom 15,134 (88%) agreed to join the panel
and completed an initial profile survey. In each household, the adult with the next birthday was
asked to go online to complete a survey, at the end of which they were invited to join the panel. Of
the 25,076 individuals who have ever joined the ATP, 13,537 remained active panelists and
continued to receive survey invitations at the time this survey was conducted.
The U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File has been estimated to cover as much as 98% of
the population, although some studies suggest that the coverage could be in the low 90% range.
1
The American Trends Panel never uses breakout routers or chains that direct respondents to
additional surveys.
Sample design
The overall target population for this survey was non-institutionalized persons ages 18 and older,
living in the U.S., including Alaska and Hawaii.
This study featured a stratified random sample from the ATP. The sample was allocated according
to the following strata, in order: Asian Americans (including those who identify as Asian in
combination with another race), Black Americans (including those who identify as Black in
combination with another race), U.S.-born Hispanics, foreign-born Hispanics, tablet households,
high school education or less, not registered to vote, people ages 18 to 34, uses internet weekly or
less, nonvolunteers, and all other categories not already falling into any of the above.
The Asian, Black, U.S.-born and foreign-born Hispanic strata were oversampled relative to their
share of the U.S. adult population. The remaining strata were sampled at rates designed to ensure
that the share of respondents in each stratum is proportional to its share of the U.S. adult
population to the greatest extent possible. Respondent weights are adjusted to account for
differential probabilities of selection as described in the Weighting section below.
Questionnaire development and testing
The questionnaire was developed by Pew Research Center in consultation with Ipsos. The web
program was rigorously tested on both PC and mobile devices by the Ipsos project management
team and Pew Research Center researchers. The Ipsos project management team also populated
1
AAPOR Task Force on Address-based Sampling. 2016. “AAPOR Report: Address-based Sampling.”
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test data which was analyzed in SPSS to ensure the logic and randomizations were working as
intended before launching the survey.
Incentives
All respondents were offered a post-paid incentive for their participation. Respondents could
choose to receive the post-paid incentive in the form of a check or a gift code to Amazon.com or
could choose to decline the incentive. Incentive amounts ranged from $5 to $20 depending on
whether the respondent belongs to a part of the population that is harder or easier to reach.
Differential incentive amounts were designed to increase panel survey participation among groups
that traditionally have low survey response propensities.
Data collection protocol
The data collection field period for this survey was April 5 to 11, 2021. Postcard notifications were
mailed to all ATP panelists with a known residential address on April 5, 2021.
On April 5 and April 6, invitations were sent out in two separate launches: Soft launch and full
launch. Sixty panelists were included in the soft launch, which began with an initial invitation sent
on April 5, 2021. The ATP panelists chosen for the initial soft launch were known responders who
had completed previous ATP surveys within one day of receiving their invitation. All remaining
English- and Spanish-speaking panelists were included in the full launch and were sent an
invitation on April 6, 2021.
All panelists with an email address received an email invitation and up to two email reminders if
they did not respond to the survey. All ATP panelists that consented to SMS messages received an
SMS invitation and up to two SMS reminders.
Invitation and reminder dates
Soft Launch
Full Launch
Initial invitation
April 5, 2021
April 6, 2021
First reminder
April 8, 2021
April 8, 2021
Final reminder
April 10, 2021
April 10, 2021
Data quality checks
To ensure high-quality data, the Center’s researchers performed data quality checks to identify any
respondents showing clear patterns of satisficing. This includes checking for very high rates of
leaving questions blank as well as always selecting the first or last answer presented. As a result of
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this checking, two ATP
respondents were removed
from the survey dataset prior
to weighting and analysis.
Weighting
The ATP data was weighted in
a multistep process that
accounts for multiple stages of
sampling and nonresponse
that occur at different points
in the survey process. First,
each panelist begins with a
base weight that reflects their
probability of selection for
their initial recruitment survey
(and the probability of being
invited to participate in the
panel in cases where only a
subsample of respondents
were invited). The base
weights for panelists recruited in different years are scaled to be proportionate to the effective
sample size for all active panelists in their cohort. To correct for nonresponse to the initial
recruitment surveys and gradual panel attrition, the base weights for all active panelists are
calibrated to align with the population benchmarks identified in the accompanying table to create
a full-panel weight.
For ATP waves in which only a subsample of panelists are invited to participate, a wave-specific
base weight is created by adjusting the full-panel weights for subsampled panelists to account for
any differential probabilities of selection for the particular panel wave. For waves in which all
active panelists are invited to participate, the wave-specific base weight is identical to the full-
panel weight.
In the final weighting step, the wave-specific base weights for panelists who completed the survey
are again calibrated to match the population benchmarks specified above. These weights are
trimmed (typically at about the 1st and 99th percentiles) to reduce the loss in precision stemming
Weighting dimensions
Variable
Benchmark source
Age x Gender
Education x Gender
Education x Age
Race/Ethnicity x Education
Born inside vs. outside the U.S. among
Hispanics and Asian Americans
Years lived in the U.S.
2019 American Community Survey
Census region x Metro/Non-metro
2019 CPS March Supplement
Volunteerism
2017 CPS Volunteering & Civic Life
Supplement
Voter registration
2016 CPS Voting and Registration
Supplement
Party affiliation
Frequency of internet use
Religious affiliation
2020 National Public Opinion
Reference Survey
Note: Estimates from the ACS are based on non-institutionalized adults. The 2016 CPS was
used for voter registration targets for this wave in order to obtain voter registration numbers
from a presidential election year. Voter registration is calculated using procedures from Hur,
Achen (2013) and rescaled to include the total U.S. adult population. The 2020 National
Public Opinion Reference Survey featured 1,862 online completions and 2,247 mail survey
completions.
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from variance in the weights. Sampling errors and test of statistical significance take into account
the effect of weighting.
The following table shows the unweighted sample sizes and the error attributable to sampling that
would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey.
Group
Unweighted
sample size
Weighted %
Plus or minus …
Total sample
5,109
2.1 percentage points
Half sample
At least 2,545
3.0 percentage points
Rep/Lean Rep
1,706
43
3.4 percentage points
Half sample
At least 824
4.8 percentage points
Dem/Lean Dem
3,253
52
2.8 percentage points
Half sample
At least 1,612
3.9 percentage points
White
1,886
62
2.8 percentage points
Black
938
12
5.3 percentage points
Hispanic
1,668
17
5.1 percentage points
Asian*
352
6
8.9 percentage points
*Asian adults were interviewed in English only.
Notes: White, Black and Asian adults include those who report being one race and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any
race. This survey includes oversamples of Asian, Black and Hispanic respondents. Unweighted sample sizes do not
account for the sample design or weighting and do not describe a group’s contribution to weighted estimates. See the
Sample design and Weighting sections above for details.
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request. In addition to
sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in
conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.
21
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Dispositions and response rates
Final dispositions
AAPOR code
Total
Completed interview
1.1
5,109
Logged onto survey; broke-off
2.12
85
Logged onto survey; did not complete any items
2.1121
38
Never logged on (implicit refusal)
2.11
736
Survey completed after close of the field period
2.27
0
Completed interview but was removed for data quality
2
Screened out
0
Total panelists in the survey
5,970
Completed interviews
I
5,109
Partial interviews
P
0
Refusals
R
859
Non-contact
NC
2
Other
O
0
Unknown household
UH
0
Unknown other
UO
0
Not eligible
NE
0
Total
5,970
AAPOR RR1 = I / (I+P+R+NC+O+UH+UO)
86%
Cumulative response rate
Total
Weighted response rate to recruitment surveys
12%
% of recruitment survey respondents who agreed to
join the panel, among those invited
72%
% of those agreeing to join who were active panelists
at start of Wave 87
57%
Response rate to Wave 87 survey
86%
Cumulative response rate
4%
© Pew Research Center, 2021
22
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
www.pewresearch.org
2021 PEW RESEARCH CENTER’S AMERICAN TRENDS PANEL
WAVE 87 APRIL 2021
APRIL 5-11, 2021
N=5,109
ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS PREVIOUSLY RELEASED
ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS HELD FOR FUTURE RELEASE
ASK ALL:
DTHPNLTY Do you favor or oppose the death penalty for persons convicted of murder?
-------FAVOR-------
-------OPPOSE-------
Strongly
Somewhat
Strongly
Somewhat
No
NET
favor
favor
NET
oppose
oppose
answer
Apr 5-11, 2021
60
27
32
39
15
24
1
July 27-Aug 2, 2020
65
30
35
34
14
20
1
Jan 6-19, 2020
62
30
32
36
15
21
2
Sep 3-15, 2019
65
32
33
34
19
15
1
PHONE TREND FOR COMPARISON:
Do you strongly favor, favor, oppose or strongly oppose the death penalty for persons convicted of
murder?
-------FAVOR-------
-------OPPOSE-------
Strongly
Strongly
(VOL.)
Total
favor
Favor
Total
oppose
Oppose
DK/Ref
July 23-Aug 4, 2020
52
20
31
44
19
25
5
Jan 8-13, 2020
53
28
25
42
19
24
5
Sep 5-16, 2019
55
27
28
40
16
24
5
Apr 25-May 1, 2018
54
23
30
39
13
26
7
Aug 23-Sep 2, 2016
49
21
27
42
14
28
9
Mar 25-29, 2015
56
23
34
38
13
24
6
Nov 9-14, 2011
62
28
34
31
11
20
7
Sep 22-Oct 4, 2011
2
58
--
--
36
--
--
6
Jul 21-Aug 5, 2010
62
30
32
30
10
20
8
August, 2007
62
29
33
32
11
21
6
Early January, 2007
64
30
34
29
11
18
7
March, 2006
65
27
38
27
8
19
8
December, 2005
62
--
--
30
--
--
8
Mid-July, 2003
64
28
36
30
10
20
6
March, 2002
67
33
34
26
9
17
7
March, 2001
66
30
36
27
10
17
7
September, 1999
74
41
33
22
7
15
4
June, 1996
78
43
35
18
7
11
4
2
In all surveys October 2011 and before, the question was asked as part of a list, except in November-December 2005.
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PEW RESEARCH CENTER
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ASK ALL; SHOW INTRO TEXT AND DTHPNLTYA-DTHPNLTYD ON SAME SCREEN USING VISUAL
DIVIDER BETWEEN EACH VARIABLE:
Next are a few pairs of statements about the death penalty in the U.S. Please choose the statement that
comes closer to your own views – even if neither is exactly right. [RANDOMIZE THE ORDER OF PAIRS
AND RANDOMIZE STATEMENTS WITHIN PAIRS].
[Please select one item from each pair]
ASK ALL:
ASK ALL:
ASK FORM 1 ONLY [N=2,545]:
DTHPNLTYA
The death penalty deters
people from committing
serious crimes
The death penalty does
NOT deter people
from committing
serious crimes
No answer
Apr 5-11, 2021
35
63
2
Jan 6-19, 2020
36
62
2
Phone trend for comparison:
(VOL.)
Depends
(VOL.)
DK/Ref
Jan 8-13, 2020
38
59
1
2
Mar 25-29, 2015
35
61
1
3
DTHPNLTYB
When someone commits
a crime like murder,
the death penalty is
morally justified
The death penalty is
morally wrong, even
when someone commits
a crime like murder
No answer
Apr 5-11, 2021
64
33
3
Jan 6-19, 2020
66
31
3
Phone trend for comparison:
(VOL.)
Depends
(VOL.)
DK/Ref
Jan 8-13, 2020
61
32
3
3
Mar 25-29, 2015
63
31
3
3
DTHPNLTYC
Minorities are more likely
than whites to be
sentenced to the death
penalty for committing
similar crimes
Whites and minorities are
equally likely to be
sentenced to the death
penalty for committing
similar crimes
No answer
Apr 5-11, 2021
58
39
3
Jan 6-19, 2020
54
44
3
Phone trend for comparison:
(VOL.)
Depends
(VOL.)
DK/Ref
Jan 8-13, 2020
58
35
2
5
Mar 25-29, 2015
52
41
1
6
24
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ASK FORM 2 ONLY [N=2,564]:
ASK ALL:
ASK ALL:
PARTY In politics today, do you consider yourself a:
ASK IF INDEP/SOMETHING ELSE (PARTY=3 or 4) OR MISSING [N=2,016]:
PARTYLN As of today do you lean more to…
3
Something No Lean Lean
Republican Democrat Independent else answer Rep Dem
24 32 27 16 1 19 20
3
Party and Partyln asked in a prior survey.
DTHPNLTYCMOD
Black people are more
likely than White people
to be sentenced to the
death penalty for
committing
similar crimes
White people and Black
people are equally likely
to be sentenced to the
death penalty for
committing
similar crimes
No answer
Apr 5-11, 2021
56
41
3
DTHPNLTYD
There is some risk that
an innocent person will
be put to death
There are adequate
safeguards to ensure that
no innocent person will
be put to death
No answer
Apr 5-11, 2021
78
21
2
Jan 6-19, 2020
79
19
1
Phone trend for comparison:
(VOL.)
Depends
(VOL.)
DK/Ref
Jan 8-13, 2020
70
27
1
2
Mar 25-29, 2015
71
26
*
2
