Copyright 2021 Terner Center for Housing Innovation
For more information on the Terner Center, see our website at
www.ternercenter.berkeley.edu
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
Strategies to Lower Cost and
Speed Housing Production:
A Case Study of San Francisco’s
833 Bryant Street Project
AUTHOR:
NATHANIEL DECKER, POST-DOCTORAL SCHOLAR
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
2
Executive Summary
Across the United States, the high costs
of developing subsidized housing hinders
eorts to address the aordability crisis
of low- and moderate-income families
and provide homes for unhoused individ-
uals. The number of people paying half or
more of their income for housing remains
at historically high levels, and after many
years of decline, homelessness has been
on the rise, particularly in California.
Levels of public subsidy for housing have
not kept pace with these growing needs.
At the same time, higher costs per unit to
build aordable housing mean that states
and localities produce fewer units with
the same amount of subsidy, even as more
people are in need of these units.
While these problems exist across the
U.S., San Francisco is exceptional both in
terms of the need for aordable housing
and the high cost to provide those homes.
Not only has homelessness in San Fran-
cisco worsened in the past ve years, but
the COVID-19 pandemic has put even
more stress on extremely low-income
renters and placed many at greater risk of
becoming unhoused.
Permanent supportive housing (PSH),
where residents are provided with an
apartment in conjunction with a range
of services, is a proven method to reduce
homelessness and has even been shown
to require less public expenditure than
leaving people unhoused. The city of San
Francisco has committed to building more
PSH but is not currently building at the
pace required to meet the need.
A number of factors pose barriers to
building more PSH housing in the city.
Development timelines for aordable
projects in San Francisco have typically
stretched to 6 years or longer and devel-
opment costs have reached $600,000 to
$700,000 per unit. This is a far slower and
more costly process than other dense cities
in high-cost areas, even other high-cost
areas in California. While there is wide-
spread agreement in the public and private
sectors that the length of development
timelines and high price of construction
are problems, they have yet to be addressed
in a comprehensive way.
These challenges have been a focal point
for the Chronic Homelessness Initiative
launched by Tipping Point Community—a
philanthropic organization in the Bay Area.
The goal of the Initiative is to reduce chronic
homelessness by 50 percent between 2017
and 2022. To help meet that goal, Tipping
Point partnered with the San Francisco
Housing Accelerator Fund (HAF) to: (i)
develop a new model for building quality
PSH at lower cost, and (ii) establish a
revolving fund to support multiple proj-
ects and leverage additional funding. They
rst set out to build new housing in under
three years and at a cost of $400,000 or
less per unit. Tipping Point Community
contracted with the HAF to create and
structure the Homes for the Homeless
Fund and lead project investment and
implementation eorts. The Homes for the
Homeless Funds rst project, a permanent
supportive housing development currently
under construction at 833 Bryant Street,
is on target to meet those goals, which are
substantially below the cost and timelines
that are typical for San Francisco proj-
ects. The Bryant Street project is funded
in part by the Initiative through the San
Francisco Housing Accelerator Fund with
Mercy Housing acting as the developer. It
is expected to be completed in July 2021.
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
3
This brief assesses 833 Bryant’s develop-
ment process to date, with a specic focus
on: (i) understanding how timelines and
costs for 833 Bryant compare to San Fran-
cisco norms, (ii) how the project achieved
projected time and cost savings, and (iii)
what lessons can be taken from this project
for both the public and private sectors. To
inform this analysis, we interviewed the
relevant stakeholders involved with the
project, and we analyzed the nancials of
833 Bryant, a number of comparison proj-
ects, and data on aordable housing devel-
opment costs in the area more generally.
The results of our analysis nd that 833
Bryant is on target to be completed 33
months after land acquisition, and we esti-
mate that the development cost is set to
come in at $382,917 per unit. To put that in
perspective, 833 Bryant is on pace to build
homes, conservatively, about 30 percent
faster and at 25 percent less cost per unit
the similar project.
We determined that the project was able
to achieve these time and cost savings
through a package of four cost eciencies:
1. Committing to dened and ambi-
tious cost and timeline goals.
Tipping Point Community estab-
lished dened and ambitious cost and
timeline goals up front, which led the
development team to innovate in the
nancing and design of the project.
2. Deploying unrestricted capital
to fund many costs during
construction.
833 Bryant beneted from a large pool
of exible funding unrestricted by the
regulations that typically come with
subsidies. This capital came from the
Homes for the Homeless Fund estab-
lished by Tipping Point and HAF. In
contrast to most funding for aordable
housing, which requires detailed paper-
work, or specied returns, these funds
had no terms other than to support the
development of PSH deals done quickly
and at relatively low cost. Further-
more, while it was understood that,
ideally, these funds would be revolved
to support additional developments,
HAF and Tipping Point were willing to
accept the risk that the funds would not
be returned from the project.
3. Receiving approval for the
Streamlined Ministerial
Approval Process under Senate
Bill 35.
This law allowed 833 Bryant to move
through the permitting process much
faster and with less risk.
4. Using o-site construction of
apartment units.
O-site construction of apartment
units at Factory_OS allowed the
project to simultaneously build units
and engage in site work, shortening the
development timeline.
The savings achieved by this package of
eciencies are greater than the sum of its
parts and taken together resulted in a far
more exible and streamlined development
process. The timeline savings of the project
are particularly important. Subsidized
housing often follows a more convoluted
development process than unsubsidized
housing and by streamlining the process,
833 Bryant was able to avoid many of
these direct costs. Faster timelines also
meant locking in lower construction costs.
Between 2008 and 2018, multifamily
construction costs in the region rose by
over 8 percent annually. Timeline savings
are especially important for PSH, as slower
development means unhoused individuals
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
4
remain homeless longer. 833 Bryant’s
quick timeline means that 145 homeless
people will be housed months or even
years sooner than if the project had been
developed through the typical processes.
And there are lessons to be learned that
extend beyond PSH projects. 833 Bryants
goals of cost and time eciency led the
development team to a new way to produce
aordable units, faster, and for less subsidy.
Their focus on cost and time eciencies is
applicable nationwide, as the scarcity of
aordable housing coupled with limited
subsidy dollars is a major issue across the
country.
Introduction
The cost to develop aordable units has
a major impact on how many low-in-
come people, including those currently
unhoused, can be stably housed. Aord-
ability, especially for low-income renters is
at crisis levels. After many years of declines,
homelessness has been on the rise in the
U.S., particularly in California. Levels of
public subsidy for housing have not kept
pace with this rising need. Higher costs
per unit to build aordable housing mean
that states and localities produce fewer
units with the same amount of subsidy,
even as more people are in need of these
units. While these problems exist across
the U.S., San Francisco is exceptional both
in terms of the need for aordable homes
and the high cost to build them. Even
with new local subsidies coming online to
support aordable housing construction in
the city, the number of new units required
far outstrips available resources.
Tipping Point Community—a Bay Area
philanthropic organization—launched its
Chronic Homelessness Initiative in 2017
with the goal of reducing homelessness
in the region by half in ve years. A key
component of that initiative is to pilot
new ways to develop quality permanently
supportive units in San Francisco in under
three years and at a cost of $400,000 or
less per unit—signicantly faster and
cheaper than is typical for such projects in
the city. The rst development to receive
funds through the program is currently
under construction at 833 Bryant Street
and is scheduled to be completed in July
2021.
This analysis evaluates the progress of the
Bryant Street project to date, comparing
it to aordable development norms in
the city and to specic newly constructed
PSH projects. The remainder of the report
provides context for the project’s devel-
opment, an overview of methods used to
assess its development timeline and nan-
cials and identies key elements that have
contributed to Bryant Street’s projected
time and cost eciencies. The report
concludes with recommendations for ways
in which other projects—in San Francisco
and beyond—can produce housing rela-
tively quickly and at lower cost, and how
the public sector can change laws and poli-
cies to facilitate the quick, ecient devel-
opment of desperately needed homes for
unhoused individuals.
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
5
Background
San Franciscos Homelessness
Crisis and the Need for Permanent
Supportive Housing
Cost eciency in the production of subsi-
dized housing is essential in the face of
the high levels of need and limited subsidy
funds. The number of people facing dire
housing needs in the U.S. has been at
historically high levels for the past decade.
1
Levels of subsidy, particularly from the
federal government, have not kept pace
with rising need, leaving a larger portion
of extremely low-income families without
access to the housing assistance for which
they are eligible.
2
After many years of
declines, levels of homelessness in the U.S.
began to rise in 2015, driven in part by
growing aordability challenges.
3
California faces especially high aord-
ability pressures and has seen especially
sharp increases in the costs of developing
subsidized housing. Construction costs per
unit for Low-Income Housing Tax Credit
(LIHTC) developments rose 11 percent
in real terms from 2011 to 2015 in Cali-
fornia, even as costs held at in other parts
of the country.
4
Increases in the homeless
population in the state have also outpaced
national trends since 2011, and the number
of people experiencing homelessness in
San Francisco has risen even faster than
the state level, growing more than 40
percent from 2011 to 2019 (Figure 1). In
addition, the population of people expe-
riencing chronic homelessness, dened
by HUD as people who have experienced
homelessness for a year or longer and also
have a disabling condition that prevents
them from securing work or housing, has
risen from 1,977 in 2011 to 3,030 in 2019
(Figure 1).
5
Note that these numbers do
not reect the impacts of the COVID-19
pandemic over the past year, which is
poised to deepen the homelessness crisis.
6
Figure 1: Homelessness in San Francisco
0
2,000
4,000
6,000
8,000
10,000
2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Total People Experiencing Homelessness People Experiencing Chronic Homelessness
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
6
Permanent supportive housing (PSH) is a
proven solution to homelessness, partic-
ularly for people experiencing chronic
homelessness, a population with rates
of substance abuse and physical and
mental disability that are higher than the
unhoused population in general. Substan-
tial evidence shows that so-called “housing
rst” strategies, where unhoused people
are rst provided with a home and then
oered a range of supportive services,
lead to long-term stability for the chron-
ically homeless and can even result in
less public-sector expenses than leaving
people unhoused.
7
The city has identied
the production of PSH as a priority and
has generated 550 units since 2016, with
hundreds more in the pipeline.
8
However,
the challenges are currently outpacing the
solution. One reason for this is the excep-
tionally slow development timeline to build
units, coupled with the exceptionally high
cost to build new housing, particularly
aordable and supportive housing, in San
Francisco.
9
Piloting a New Approach to
Permanent Supportive Housing
Development: 833 Bryant Street
As part of its Chronic Homelessness
Initiative, Tipping Point was interested in
eective ways to increase and accelerate
the production of new supportive housing.
Tipping Point partnered with the San
Francisco Housing Accelerator Fund
(HAF) to develop a concept to increase
the speed of construction and decrease
the cost to build by pairing exible
private funds with long-term sustainable
government funding. After developing a
program model together, Tipping Point
provided $50 million to the HAF to create
the Homes for the Homeless Fund with the
explicit goal of developing PSH faster and at
lower cost than similar projects. The Fund
itself provides a structure that is meant
to encourage speed and cost eciency. Its
mission is to provide aordable housing,
but as a public-private partnership it has
more exibility and can operate more
nimbly than public agencies. This was a
particular advantage for 833 Bryant, as
HAF was able to move quickly to acquire a
promising site that was privately held, thus
avoiding the often-lengthy processes that
accompany the development of publicly-
held sites. While the Fund has acted as a
lender to a number of projects across the
city, this is the rst deal that uses the capital
provided by Tipping Point Community and
where HAF has taken a more active role in
development.
The site at 833 Bryant had originally been
used as surface parking and was zoned
as Service/Arts/Light Industrial. Prior
to acquisition, HAF assembled the devel-
opment team and worked with the City
on a zoning amendment that allowed the
construction of aordable housing on
sites like 833 Bryant. The site was enti-
tled in six months for the construction of
145 units permanent supportive housing
reserved for people who have experienced
chronic homelessness, plus one unit for the
manager.
HAF purchased the site in October
2018 using unrestricted capital that was
provided by Tipping Point and was not
subject to the same requirements or
expectations typically attached to private
or public subsidy sources. HAF also used
these funds to provide a low-cost loan for
predevelopment and initial construction
expenses (including a substantial portion
of the o-site construction). These funds
were partially returned to HAF with the
deployment of a $33,282,714 mortgage,
funded with tax-exempt private activity
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
7
bonds. The HAF construction funds will
be fully returned with the deployment of
$21,673,000 in associated LIHTC equity.
10
Further public subsidies come in the form
of an operating lease from the city of $1.4
million per year and a master lease from
the city of $1.9 million per year, with
payments beginning in 2022. Additionally,
HAF is providing subsidy directly to the
deal by providing the site to the city after
a 30-year ground lease, and by providing
development services without compensa-
tion, thus allowing for a lower collected
developer fee than is standard.
Tipping Point and HAF partnered to
launch the rst project, jointly interviewing
and choosing an architect, developer,
contractor, and modular company. Mercy
Housing was chosen to act as developer on
the project. The units are all small studios
of about 260 square feet each, which is
appropriate given that the vast majority
(94 percent) of people experiencing chronic
homelessness in San Francisco are single
adults without children.
11
The units were
constructed o-site by Factory_OS.
Methods
Research for this project consisted of inter-
views with members of the 833 Bryant
development team, analysis of the projects
nancials and development process, and
comparisons with aggregated development
cost data and the nancials of four specic
developments. The teams at both HAF
and Mercy have many years of experience
developing housing in San Francisco and
were able to describe in detail how the
development of 833 Bryant diered from
other, similar developments.
Establishing whether the project achieved
its cost and development timeline reduc-
tion goals is not a straightforward question
because, in a number of important ways,
833 Bryant is an atypical project. At some
level of detail, every development is unique.
The development process in San Francisco
is unlike the process in even adjacent cities
like Oakland. The specics of development
sites also vary, the costs of labor and mate-
rials change, and the methods of nancing
projects are rarely the same from project
to project. There have been many multi-
family aordable housing projects in the
city of San Francisco in the past few years,
though non-supportive housing projects
rarely have all or nearly all of their units as
studios. Permanent supportive housing is
often 100 percent studios, but 833 Bryants
units are notably smaller than typical PSH
in the city.
12
For this reason, we use a few reference
points to measure the project’s cost savings
and reductions in development time-
line. The rst reference point is averaged
costs for subsidized multifamily housing
construction in San Francisco. Data on
construction costs are very limited, and
this portion of the analysis relies on data
on development costs by the Terner Center
(from application materials for 9 percent
LIHTC projects) in California and data
from the San Francisco Mayor’s Oce of
Housing and Community Development
(MOHCD) on multifamily projects they
have recently funded. To account for the
fact that 833 Bryant is 100 percent small
studio units we use cost averages in terms
of costs per residential square foot and
gross square foot, in addition to cost per
unit. Unlike Single Room Occupancy proj-
ects (SROs), 833 Bryant is composed of
full units, with a bathroom and kitchen.
Costs per unit for microunit projects look
low because more units are arranged into
the oor area of the project, whereas costs
per residential square foot appear high
because more expensive facilities like
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
8
kitchens and bathrooms are also arranged
into the residential area of the project. It
is unclear whether to expect costs per
gross square foot of 833 Bryant to be high
or low because—though the residential
areas will cost more—833 Bryant is a very
ecient building, with little space neces-
sary for circulation and relatively little
space programmed for non-apartment
uses. Non-apartment uses are common in
aordable development in San Francisco.
We also compare 833 Bryant to four
specic projects: 1064 Mission, Mission
Bay Block 9, Casa de la Misión, and Parcel
O. The rst three are new construction, 100
percent small studio apartment, perma-
nent supportive housing projects in San
Francisco, all of which are currently under
construction. These projects use some, but
not all, of the cost saving measures used in
833 Bryant. The fourth project, Parcel O,
is not similar to 833 Bryant, as it is mostly
family housing, with unit sizes far larger
than 833 Bryant. The project’s fraught
design and development process, however,
provides a useful comparison to the rela-
tively smooth process for 833 Bryant.
Findings
Estimated Cost for 833 Bryant &
Savings Approach
833 Bryant is on pace to achieve a cost of
approximately $382,917 per unit. The total
development cost for the project is about
$100,000 higher per unit, but this gure
does not provide a fair comparison of 833
Bryant’s costs to other projects. Table 1
shows the adjustments we made to the costs
of 833 Bryant and other projects to arrive
at gures that are useful for comparisons.
We exclude acquisition costs because
many aordable projects in the city are
developed on publicly owned land, which
is typically ground leased to the devel-
oper. Furthermore, the cost and timeline
reduction objectives of 833 Bryant are in
many ways separate from the issues of
site acquisition. Policy objectives such as
access to jobs or quality schools or transit,
for example, may justify higher acquisition
costs. Like many PSH developments, 833
Bryant includes a large developer fee, only
a portion of which is actually collected by
Table 1: Adjustments Made to 833 Bryant Project Costs for Comparison
833 Bryant Project Per Unit Per GSF Per RSF
Total Development Cost $68,635,195 $470,104 $1,111 $1,572
- Acquisition Cost $ 8,273,523
- Recontributed Developer Fee $ 5,405,858
+ Reduced Developer Fee $ 950,000
Cost for Comparisons $55,905,814 $382,917 $905 $1,280
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
9
the developer, while the rest is recontrib-
uted to the project to boost LIHTC-eligible
costs. In the case of 833 Bryant the collected
developer fee was reduced even further (by
$950,000) relative to a typical PSH devel-
opment. Mercy Housing, as the developer,
agreed to take a reduced fee because HAF
assumed a substantial portion of the devel-
opment work, particularly entitling the site
and leading negotiations of the subsidy
lease with the city. The reduced fee can be
considered a subsidy provided by HAF to
the project and is thus added to the total
development cost. However, 833 Bryant
also includes about $900,000 of interest
and fee costs for the HAF construction
loan, which are costs that are not incurred
in most similar aordable developments,
where construction costs would typically
be supported by MOHCD subsidy. We do
not adjust the cost downward to account
for these interest and fee costs, because at
the moment deal structures like this one—
reliant on unrestricted capital—will need
to support such costs.
833 Bryant diers from the “business-
as-usual” development of PSH in San
Francisco in a number of ways, but a
package of four cost eciencies have
worked together to result in lower per-unit
costs and a shorter development timeline.
13
Specically, the project partners:
1. Committed to dened and ambi-
tious cost and timeline goals. The
development team was committed
to building quality PSH at a cost of
$400,000 per unit or less and complete
the project within three years. These
goals drove many of the important
decisions in the development process.
2. Deployed unrestricted capital
during construction. Tipping Point
Community provided HAF with capital
whose sole purpose was to develop PSH
faster and at lower cost than is typical.
Tipping Point was willing to accept the
risk of losing some of this capital to
achieve these savings.
3. Received Streamlined Ministe-
rial Approval under SB 35. The
Streamlined Ministerial Approval
Process, signed into law in 2017,
provides an entirely ministerial enti-
tlement process on a xed timeline for
certain aordable housing projects in
some jurisdictions in California, and
allows these projects to avoid delays
caused by CEQA.
4. Used o-site construction. 833
Bryants units were constructed o-site
by Factory_OS, a union-staed facility
in Vallejo, CA. O-site construction
allowed the project to simultane-
ously engage in site work and building
construction.
All four innovations work together in 833
Bryant, resulting in a method of develop-
ment that is substantially dierent, not
only from “business-as-usual, but also
from developments that used only one or
two of these four measures (Table 2). The
sum of savings achieved by this package is
greater than the parts.
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
10
833 Bryant’s Package of Cost
Eciencies Is on Target to Bring
Units Online, Conservatively, 30
Percent Faster and at 25 Percent
Lower Cost Per Unit Than Similar
Developments
The three projects that are most similar to
833 Bryant provide the best benchmarks
to estimate how eective the project was
at achieving its cost and timeline reduc-
tion goals. Table 3 summarizes these proj-
ects’ per-unit costs, the average size of the
units, and the scope of the projects, along
with recent LIHTC averages in San Fran-
cisco and the costs of recent MOHCD proj-
ects. 1064 Mission, Mission Bay Block 9,
and Casa de la Misión are very similar to
833 Bryant though Bryant cost between
37 percent to 25 percent less on a per unit
basis. While the residential portion of these
projects are very similar to 833 Bryant,
all of the projects include non-housing
components that are more substantial than
833 Bryant. (833 Bryant includes a very
small retail space.) Non-housing compo-
nents are common in PSH developments
in San Francisco and contribute to higher
per-unit costs. 833 Bryant was acquired
in October of 2018 and is on target to be
nished in July of 2021, for a development
timeline of 33 months, which is fast for
San Francisco. San Francisco is notorious
for the exceptionally long time required to
take projects from acquisition to comple-
tion. The extended timelines are largely
due to public processes, and aordable
projects face even longer delays because
of the additional requirements that come
with public subsidies.
14
On average, multi-
family projects in San Francisco took 76
months, or 6.3 years, from permitting to
completion.
15
(833 Bryant submitted its
permitting application two months after
acquisition, in December 2018.)
16
The comparison projects all took longer to
complete than 833 Bryant, though direct
Table 2: Comparison Projects and the Package of Cost Efficiencies
Defined,
Ambitious Cost
& Time Goals
Unrestricted
Capital During
Construction
Streamlined
Ministerial
Approval
Process
Off-Site
Construction
833 Bryant Yes Yes Yes Yes
1064 Mission Time Goal Only No Yes Yes
Mission Bay Block 9 No No Yes Yes
Casa de la Misión No Yes Yes No
Parcel O No No No No
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
11
Table 3: Comparison Projects’ Costs and Scope
$ Per Unit
Average Unit
Size
Scope
833 Bryant $382,917 260 sq. ft.
61,800 gross sq. ft.
146 units
500 sq. ft. retail space
2,355 sq. ft. services and office space
2,858 sq. ft. community outdoor
space
1064 Mission $509,826 350 sq. ft.
175,123 gross sq. ft.
258 units
20,000 sq. ft. clinic
5,400 sq. ft. commercial kitchen &
culinary training center
Mission Bay Block 9 $573,218 330 sq. ft.
99,150 gross sq. ft.
141 units
18,000 sq. ft. landscaped community
garden
Casa de la Misión $611,981 300 sq. ft.
25,757 gross sq. ft.
45 units
1,100 sq. ft. retail
LIHTC San Francisco
Average
16
$639,555
Average unit
sizes are
substantially
larger than
833 Bryant
Varies
Recent MOHCD Average $736,000
Average unit
sizes are
substantially
larger than
833 Bryant
Varies
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
12
comparisons are dicult because these
projects followed dierent development
processes (Table 4). 1064 Mission, Mission
Bay Block 9, and Parcel O, for example,
all were developed on public land, which
complicated the acquisition. For these
projects we calculate the timeline starting
from the selection of the developer. We
estimate that 833 Bryant is on track to be
completed at least 30 percent faster than
1064 Mission, which has the next shortest
projected timeline. We consider this to be
a conservative estimate because, though
1064 Mission is larger than 833 Bryant,
it was developed faster than is typical.
1064 Mission moved quickly because of
the federal governments requirement that
the project be completed and occupied
within three years of the property transfer
agreement.
(We omit Casa de la Misión from the time-
line comparison because of that project’s
especially complex development process.
Mission Neighborhoods Center purchased
the site in 1994. The project went through
various programming ideas until 2012,
when initial renderings for a multifamily
project were drawn up. However, the
developer then spent years working with
the city to get the site into a developable
conguration. Thus, it could reasonably
be said that the development process of
Casa de la Misión took 43 months, starting
from the beginning of the process to get
the site into a developable conguration;
or 8 years, starting from the selection the
developer of the site; or 26 years, starting
from the initial purchase of the site.)
Delays in development not only mean
that those currently in need of housing
need to wait longer to be housed, but they
also increase development costs. Delays
increase costs in a number of ways but
some of the biggest increases come from
rising construction costs. We calculated
that multifamily construction costs in San
Francisco rose 119 percent between 2008
and 2018, for an annualized increase of
over 8 percent.
17
Thus a year’s delay for
a project like 833 Bryant would not only
mean 145 homeless people would remain
on the streets for an additional year, but
also that the same project would cost an
additional $500,000.
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
13
Table 4: Development Timelines of Comparison Projects
2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 Timeline
833 Bryant
Acquired
October
Started
construction
March
To be
completed
July
33 months
1064 Mission
Selected
through
Request for
Proposal
(RFP)
February
Site
transferred
from Federal
Government
Started
construction
March
To be
completed
December
47 months
Mission Bay
Block 9
Selected
through RFP
November
Received
approval
through
Office of
Community
Investment
and Infra-
structure
(OCII)
OCII
approvesd
design
Modular
vendor
selected
Started
construction
August
To be
completed
December
49 months
Parcel O
Selected
through RFP
December
Applied for
entitlements
February;
Conditional
Use Permit
filed August
Project
approved
Started
construction
October
Completed
September
57 months
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
14
Commitment to Dened Cost and
Time Goals Pushed the Project to
Innovate in Both Financing and
Design
Dened and ambitious cost and timing
targets are not standard in the devel-
opment of aordable housing. Housing
subsidy programs are often structured in
ways that provide no incentive to reduce
development costs. For example, LIHTC
projects have substantial construction
contingencies in their budgets and receive
LIHTC subsidy in proportion to the size
of the contingency (up to a dened limit).
Developers who are on track to not fully
use their construction contingency often
add scope items to the project in order to
use the contingency with the associated
subsidy. Public input processes can also
impede cost eciency. While local resi-
dents may want people experiencing home-
lessness to have homes, the public input
process can result in proposed changes that
push up per-unit costs. The private sector
also doesnt provide incentives for cost
eciency. There are no major architecture
awards for cost-eective design and devel-
opers are similarly rewarded far more for
splashy but expensive projects than they
are for projects that provide quality units
as quickly as possible and using as little
subsidy as possible. In a world of limited
subsidy this set of incentives means fewer
units, and, in the case of PSH, more people
living in shelters or on the street.
The commitment to these goals drove most
of the important decisions in the nancing
and design of 833 Bryant and resulted in
a nancing structure and development
process that is quite dierent from San
Francisco norms. Early on the team real-
ized that accepting local subsidies during
construction would require compli-
ance with regulations that would make
it impossible to reach the cost and time
goals. This led to the use of unrestricted
capital from Tipping Point and bonds from
the state. Similarly, the major aspects of
the design of the project—from the use of
a single, small-unit design to the number
of units on the site and the site program-
ming—were also driven by the need to
meet the project’s cost and timeline goals.
The nal design of the project is not typical
for PSH in the city. The city’s public agen-
cies have policies that encourage larger
units and higher-cost design items (such
as large windows) based on the theory that
these features will make residents work
harder to maintain their units, resulting
in improved housing stability. The goals
also drove the team to tap existing but
relatively new and non-traditional devel-
opment methods such as the Streamlined
Ministerial Approval Process and o-site
construction.
1064 Mission provides a useful contrast
as that project was also committed to a
dened and ambitious timeline, though
the commitment came from federal dispo-
sition policies. The site of 1064 Mission
was owned by the U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services (HHS). The
property was transferred to the city for $1
on the condition that the new owner would
commit to a deed restriction that all uses
on the site be for the benet of people expe-
riencing homelessness and any improve-
ments be completed within three years of
the transfer agreement. If these terms were
not met HHS could take back the property
and improvements or impose large penalty
payments. This requirement drove much
of the development and resulted in a rela-
tively quick development timeframe.
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
15
Unrestricted Capital Deployed
During Construction Brought
Substantial Flexibility and
Streamlining to the Development
Process
Tipping Point provided HAF with $50
million with the primary purpose of
supporting aordable housing develop-
ments to be completed faster and at lower
cost. The secondary purpose was to estab-
lish a revolving fund to support additional,
future deals. There were no other terms.
Tipping Point had no expectation of any
return on its investment and the funders
were comfortable with the risk that funds
would stay in the deals. HAF used these
funds to (i) buy the 833 Bryant property
(these funds were to be returned but will
now stay in the development) and (ii)
make a low-cost loan to Mercy Housing to
support the construction of 833 Bryant.
The interest and fees on the loan cover
HAFs costs of administering the funds.
Critically, these funds were available early
in the development process, were able to
be put at risk, could be used for a very wide
range of uses, and came with little to no
regulatory baggage.
As noted above, in 833 Bryant, these dollars
are taken out with bonds and tax credits
during the construction and permanent
phases, and with debt service supported
by local subsidies post-construction. HAF
used Tipping Point’s Chronic Homeless-
ness Initiative funds to provide the project
with a $25 million loan to fund all expenses
until bond issuance, and a substantial
portion of expenses until conversion. Upon
origination of the bond-funded construc-
tion loan, approximately $8 million was
returned to HAF, and the remainder will
be returned with the entrance of most of
the tax credit equity at conversion.
Figure 2: 833 Bryant Capital Stack
$-
$10
$20
$30
$40
$50
$60
$70
Pre-Bond Issuance Construction Phase Permanent Phase
Millions
Deferred Costs
Unrestricted Capital
(HAF Loan)
Recontributed
Developer Fee
Public Subsidy
(LIHTC)
Public Subsidy
(Bonds)
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
16
Using these funds to cover extensive devel-
opment expenses before public subsidies
were deployed allowed 833 Bryant to
avoid many compliance review processes
that would have slowed development and
required revisions to the project design,
and also allowed the project to run devel-
opment processes in parallel. Receipt of
public subsidies, particularly local subsidy,
comes with many additional layers of
compliance review, each of which not
only takes time, but also carries the risk
of temporarily halting the development
process entirely.
833 Bryant avoids local subsidies entirely
until after the building is completed. It did
so because the regulations that accom-
pany local subsidy during construction
were deemed incompatible with achieving
the cost and timeline goals. For example,
developments receiving local subsidies
must meet the stipulations of Small Busi-
ness Enterprise (SBE) hiring. The require-
ments are intended to support the local
economy of the city and provide economic
opportunities for local residents. These
rules stipulate that contracts of $10,000 or
more are reviewed for the frequency with
which certied small rms are hired. This
introduces two mechanisms for delay and
increased costs. The rst is that the devel-
opment team is selected based on the lists
of SBEs provided by the city, as opposed
to the capacity of the rm and cost of
their services. Developers have reported
instances where SBEs became over-
whelmed by the demands of the project and
a second rm needed to be contracted to
provide identical services, increasing costs
and slowing development. Even the hiring
of high-capacity SBEs can slow develop-
ment, as services need to be advertised for
a minimum of 30 to 60 days before a rm
may be selected.
The design of the project is also aected
as MOHCD requires designs be reviewed
by the Oce of Disability, Historic
Preservation oce, and the Department
of Energy—to ensure that the project
conforms to green building and stormwater
standards—among other requirements.
The public subsidies that took out the
Tipping Point capitalCalHFA bonds
with associated LITHC—have many layers
of compliance review as well but did not
require any changes to the development
team or design of the project. Even bonds
issued by the city of San Francisco would
have come with a number of regulations
that would have forced changes in the
development team and project design.
Not only does each additional require-
ment come with a new risk of delay, but
the process of applying for public subsi-
dies also means that many parts of putting
projects together need to be put on hold
until subsidies have been awarded. Having
a pool of unrestricted capital allowed 833
Bryant, for example, to not have to wait for
its bond allocation before placing its order
for o-site units. This allowed the project
to begin construction even as it was nego-
tiating its lease with the city of San Fran-
cisco. 1064 Mission, on the other hand, was
tied to a development process that needed
to proceed one step at a time. Transfer
of the site from the federal government,
for example, required that the develop-
ment team show that the project was fully
funded and entitled. Furthermore, 1064
Mission was delayed by 45 days solely
due to documentation requests from the
federal government.
Freed from the additional design require-
ments that come with most housing subsi-
dies, 833 Bryant was designed with the
primary goal of providing quality, cost-e-
cient housing. A sizable portion of the total
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
17
savings realized in 833 Bryant arise from
the design of the building, which includes
small units and ecient programming. For
example, the project has very little common
space and the units are stacked vertically
and there is no need for excess circulation
spaces. There is a single oor plan for all
units, allowing the o-site manufacturer
to program one large construction run,
maximizing their production eciency.
While there are non-apartment uses in the
building, including two small retail spaces
and oces for the supportive services
sta, these uses comprise a relatively small
portion of the total building area.
The design of 1064 Mission is far less cost-
ecient than it could have been because the
use of public subsidies required additional
processes that aected the projects design.
In many regards 1064 Mission will be very
similar to 833 Bryant: it is permanent
supportive housing composed of 100
percent small studio units developed by
Mercy Housing with o-site construction
by Factory_OS. The project is much larger,
with 256 units, compared to 833 Bryants
145. In theory economies of scale might
be expected to result in a lower per-unit
total development cost for 1064 Mission.
However, excluding acquisition costs,
1064 Mission will cost about 25 percent
more. 1064 Mission will cost $509,826 per
unit, relative to $382,917 for 833 Bryant.
Much of this higher cost came from cost-
inecient design decisions that arose due
to design review. For example, the Planning
Department expected the project to have
an active use on the rst oor on Mission
Street. For this reason, the project includes
a large commercial kitchen which will
provide space for a culinary arts training
program for unhoused individuals as well
as building residents. The project also has
a large amount of community space. The
number of units in the project relative to
the size of the site is substantially lower
than 833 Bryant because of community
concerns over the total number of units
in the project. The developers estimate
that an additional 20 units could have
been easily accommodated in the site,
through a combination of making the units
smaller and reprogramming space from
community uses to residential uses. The
studio units in 1064 Mission are about 35
percent larger than the units in 833 Bryant,
measuring 350 square feet compared to
833 Bryant’s 260 square feet.
The design of Mission Bay Block 9 was
made even more cost-inecient than 1064
Mission in large part because of additional
layers of public review. Mission Bay Block 9
will be 140 units of permanent supportive
housing composed of 100 percent studios
developed by BRIDGE Housing and
Community Housing Partnership with
o-site construction by Factory_OS.
The units for this project, however, cost
33 percent more than 833 Bryant, at
$573,218 per unit. The high per-unit
costs were driven in large part because
this supportive housing project contains
relatively little housing. The lot for Mission
Bay Block 9 is about three times the size
of 833 Bryant, but the project will have
fewer units. The dearth of housing on the
site is largely due to design review that was
required because the Oce of Community
Investment and Infrastructure (OCII,
formerly the San Francisco Redevelopment
Authority) provided the land and subsidy.
OCII required that the program for the
site conform to plans passed in the 1990s,
which limited the number of aordable
units on the site. The developers had
initially programmed the site for nearly
twice as many units, with 120 senior units
and 130 units for adults, instead of the
140 total units that were constructed. The
initial design had a height that was in line
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
18
with the municipal building across the
street and a traditional courtyard between
the two buildings. Additionally, the project
needed to be approved by the San Francisco
Board of Supervisors. During the public
hearing at the Board, residents voiced
their concern over the number of units in
the project, resulting in further reductions
in the number of units. As a result, over
one-quarter of the site is not housing at all,
but a landscaped community garden.
While unrestricted capital allows for a more
exible design and development process,
deploying capital before traditional public
subsidies requires mitigating the risks to
the capital that is spent. HAF established
a series of fallback plans to ensure that the
private capital put into the project could
be taken out with public subsidies from
bonds and the lease with the city. If the
project had not received a bond allocation,
for example, the team would have partially
replaced these funds with proceeds from
a 501(c)(3) bond issuance. Because these
bonds would not have associated tax credits
the project would still face a $15 million
gap that would have been lled with the
Tipping Point dollars. If the project did not
receive a bond allocation and the city was
unwilling to provide a lease, the program
of the building would shift to mixed-in-
come housing to the maximum rents
allowed under the Streamlined Ministe-
rial Approval Process, which would also
open up a gap to be lled with the Tipping
Point funds. Both of these fallback options
were fully analyzed and discussed with the
development team and funders. However,
the city of San Francisco was highly moti-
vated to support the deal. The development
of new permanent supportive housing for
unhoused individuals was a major priority
of the administration and providing these
units quickly and at relatively low cost
was also supported. Even so, the project
will be partially subsidized with Tipping
Point funds indenitely because the land,
purchased for $8 million, will eventually
be transferred to the city for $1.
Regulatory Streamlining through
the Streamlined Ministerial
Approval Process Removes
Development Risk and Speeds
Development Timeline
The Streamlined Ministerial Approval
Process, passed in 2017, provides a less-
onerous public approvals process on a
set timeline to certain aordable housing
projects in California cities that have been
under-producing housing. Specically, the
law ensures that the review of planning
applications for eligible projects does not
require conditional use permits, and thus
is entirely ministerial. This reduces the
burden to entitle projects and provides a
cap on the amount of time the local govern-
ment has to review and provide a decision
for eligible projects. The act also shields
eligible projects from challenges under
the California Environmental Quality Act
(CEQA), which has been used in the past
to hinder real estate development and has
likely contributed to the state’s housing
aordability crisis.
18
833 Bryant applied
for coverage under the Streamlined Minis-
terial Approval Process in January 2019
and received approval in May.
The swift entitlement process for 833
Bryant, made possible by the Streamlined
Ministerial Approval Process allowed the
project to benet from many cost e-
ciencies. The HAF acquired the site in
October 2018 and submitted its entitle-
ment application in December 2018, and
the project was fully entitled by April 2019.
The application for development, which
included detailed architectural drawings,
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
19
was reviewed by the city to ensure compli-
ance with building and zoning codes. The
savings from the Streamlined Ministerial
Approval Process arise in part from the
law’s guarantee of a surety of the entitle-
ments process. Projects need to conform
to a set of rules that are known to the
developer and cannot be changed mid-way
through the development process and
the municipality must approve or deny
the project within 90 days. This allows
the development team to put together
an application that conforms to known
rules. This is not the typical process, and
developments often change their design
substantially based, for example, on citizen
concerns that are raised months or years
after the project rst applied. The dead-
line imposed on cities by the Streamlined
Ministerial Approval Process also ensures
that the back-and-forth between the city
and the developer over what is or is not to
code and granting of waivers and conces-
sions is resolved on a set timetable. The
speed at which 833 Bryant moved through
review cut the direct expenses that come
with more involved reviews (such as the
production of an Environmental Impact
Report), allowed the project to lock-in
construction costs early, and ensured that
the project’s design was established rela-
tively early in the development timeline.
In contrast to the speedy entitlement of
833 Bryant, Parcel O was developed before
the passage of the Streamlined Ministe-
rial Approval Process and suered cost
increases arising from a convoluted devel-
opment process and numerous changes to
the project design. Parcel O is a 108-unit
development in Hayes Valley, with 20
percent of units reserved for formerly
homeless residents. Most of the project
has larger units designed for families, so
while the project has fewer units than 833
Bryant, it is a larger building. Parcel O
required a conditional use permit, which
triggered a study of, among other things,
the shadows that the building would cast.
The study revealed that the building would
cast a small shadow on a nearby play-
ground for approximately one hour a day,
one month out of the year. The project was
redesigned to eliminate the shadow, but
the redesign resulted in the loss of four
units. The developer could have petitioned
against the loss of the units, but this would
have required producing a focused EIR,
as the shadow was considered to be an
impact important enough to be covered by
CEQA. The delay that the production of a
focused EIR would have caused the project
was decided to be more detrimental to the
project than the redesigned loss of four
units. The project was also delayed by six
months due to MOHCDs request that the
developer delay their application to Cali-
fornias Tax Credit Allocation Committee
(TCAC) until MOHCD could review bids
for the project, and the requirement that
the Board of Supervisors approve funding
for the project. The earliest the project
could go to the Board for approval was
August, but the Board of Supervisors is
on recess in August. The collective impact
of these delays increased costs by at least
$500,000. An additional $500,000 in
costs were added because the Mayor’s
Oce of Disability, having misclassied a
portion of the building during plan review,
determined after the project was completed
that a portion of the building was a means
of egress that needed to be accessible per
ADA requirements. This required demol-
ishing a portion of the newly constructed
building and re-building it to a dierent
design. The project also relied on cap-and-
trade dollars, which required a fully enti-
tled project to include an archaeological
review. This review added $300,000 in
direct costs to the project.
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
20
O-Site Construction Allows
Development Processes to Run in
Parallel
The units for 833 Bryant were constructed
o-site at Factory_OS, a union-staed
facility located on a decommissioned naval
base in Vallejo, CA. Research suggests that
o-site construction has the potential to
provide meaningful cost and time savings
over traditional stick-built construction.
19
For 833 Bryant, the greatest eciencies
from o-site construction were realized
in conjunction with the quick entitlements
process made possible by using exible
capital before deploying public subsidies
and from the development process under
the Streamlined Ministerial Approval
Process. 833 Bryant was able to lock-in the
design of the project relatively early, which
took advantage of the cost eciencies
made possible with modular construction.
Modular construction can achieve greater
cost eciencies by allowing the construc-
tion of the building simultaneously with
or in advance of site work. The relatively
swift nalization of design and comple-
tion of entitlements allowed the developer
to direct Factory_OS to begin producing
units in January 2020, though bonds for
the project were not issued until August.
Thus, the package of cost eciencies for
833 Bryant allowed the project to avoid 7
months of construction cost ination and
interest carry. The contract for the units
was approximately $9.5 million, which,
assuming 8 percent annual hard cost
ination and the bond rate of 2.82 percent
would be $440,000 in avoided cost ina-
tion and $160,000 in interest payments for
a total savings of about $600,000.
Casa de la Misión provides a useful compar-
ison to 833 Bryant, as Casa de la Misión
also received the Streamlined Ministerial
Approval Process designation and was
funded without construction subsidies
from the city. But Casa de la Misión diers
in that it was constructed entirely on-site.
Casa de la Misión is substantially smaller
than 833 Bryant, with 45 studio units and
approximately 1,100 square feet of street-
level commercial space. The studios are
only slightly larger than 833 Bryant’s at
about 300 square feet, relative to Bryant’s
260. Excluding acquisition costs Casa de la
Misión will cost approximately 50 percent
more on a per-unit basis, or $612,000 per
unit, relative to approximately $382,917
for Bryant. Most of these cost dierences
are driven by the ecient design of 833
Bryant, though 833 Bryant is also slightly
less costly on a gross square foot basis
(about 3 percent less costly). The gross
square foot cost savings are somewhat
attenuated by the smaller units of 833
Bryant, which would be expected to result
in higher savings per square foot, all else
being equal.
The direct cost and time savings that come
from o-site construction at 833 Bryant are
real, but the o-site construction industry
is not fully established, which adds risks
and blunts the even greater savings that
o-site construction could potentially
achieve. This construction method is still
not standard, which requires assembling a
development team (particularly architects
and contractors) that have prior experi-
ence with o-site construction. O-site
construction allows for economies of scale
that exceed stick-built construction, but
these benets are most fully realized with
large orders of single unit types. If each
production run is limited to units that are
custom-designed for a specic project,
savings from economies of scale will be
limited. Production runs of units that are
used in multiple projects could unlock
further savings but requires coordination
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
21
across projects that is rarely seen today.
Construction timeline savings from o-site
mostly arise from the ability to construct
units at the same time as site work is being
completed. This requires that the design of
the project be nalized early, which can be
dicult in a lengthy entitlement process
when the design may be required to change
unexpectedly, and that the unit construc-
tion costs be funded early, which can be a
challenge with existing subsidy programs.
Conclusion
Though not yet complete, 833 Bryant is on
track to provide substantial cost and time-
line savings relative to similar projects in
San Francisco. These savings are made
possible through a package of cost ecien-
cies that allow the project to follow a devel-
opment process that is more exible and
lower risk in some ways (although comes
with risk for the unrestricted capital) and
allows the development to be oriented
around the production of quality units at
relatively low cost to a much greater extent
than is typical. The development provides
lessons for the future development of
aordable housing, particularly perma-
nent supportive housing, in a few ways.
First, it provides a model for development,
mostly by showing the potential of unre-
stricted capital. 1064 Mission and Mission
Bay Block 9 are two of many projects that
use the Streamlined Ministerial Approval
Process and o-site construction, but 833
Bryant shows that the savings that these
two measures can achieve can be substan-
tially magnied with the kind of funding
that Tipping Point provided. The source
of funding is far less important than its
terms. In the case of 833 Bryant, the unre-
stricted funding substantially changed the
development process because the funds (i)
were fully available early in the develop-
ment process, (ii) could be put up at risk,
(iii) could be applied to a very wide range
of uses, and (iv) came with little to no regu-
latory requirements.
Much of the risk, however, was not that the
funds would be “wasted,but instead that
they would remain in the deal, much as
traditional subsidy does. For example, the
acquisition of 833 Bryant was funded with
Tipping Point capital that was initially
expected to be returned to HAF through
lease payments from the city. However, the
budget crunch caused by the COVID-19
pandemic resulted in cuts to these planned
payments. Now these funds will stay
with the deal indenitely, much as tradi-
tional subsidy would, instead of being
revolved into other development proj-
ects. Creative structuring of unrestricted
capital, however, can help ameliorate these
risks. HAF structured their support to 833
Bryant primarily as loans priced to cover
HAFs costs. If preservation of capital was
a higher priority, other structures, such as
overcollateralization, could be used to deal
with the risks of loss of capital over time.
833 Bryant also provides insight into the
impacts of policies and funding programs
that pose hindrances to the timely and
cost-eective development of aord-
able housing, particularly permanent
supportive housing. For example, much
of the savings that 833 Bryant achieved
came from bypassing the required devel-
opment processes to entitle and fund
aordable housing. Stakeholders inter-
viewed for this project were, for the most
part, supportive of the larger goals of these
additional process requirements, such as
the preservation of archaeological assets,
community engagement, and creating a
lively streetscape. The onerousness and
risk to the housing project, however, was
deemed disproportionate to the benet
A TERNER CENTER REPORT - FEBRUARY 2021
22
coming from advancing these goals. A
shadow occasionally cast on a playground
is a negative impact, but hardly seems
proportionate to the loss of four aordable
homes.
Similarly, the design processes typical for
aordable housing in the city often favor
a mix of uses, such as the inclusion of the
clinic and culinary training center in 1064
Mission and the large community garden
in Mission Bay Block 9. A mix of uses at
the project level, particularly when they
support the local residents, including the
tenants, can be a substantial benet. But
additional uses increase the cost of the
project and the timeline for the devel-
opment. These non-apartment uses also
frequently use the same sources of subsidy
as residential uses. For example, every
source of subsidy for 1064 Mission can be
applied to residential uses. The additional
costs and time associated with the devel-
opment of non-residential uses in PSH
projects should be weighed against the
fewer units produced with each project and
units being built later. San Francisco is by
no means unique in this regard, and most
cities that have a substantial number of
people experiencing chronic homelessness
could likely provide more homes if they
re-balanced the goal of having mixed-use
developments with the goal of housing the
unhoused.
The Streamlined Ministerial Approval
Process provides a model for speeding the
development process for aordable housing
in specic situations. A similar approach
might benet the development of PSH in
San Francisco, given the dire need. Design
and process requirements that come with
development and funding sources could
be streamlined for the development of
PSH projects. The Streamlined Ministerial
Approval Process itself could be improved,
as the application for approval under the
law requires a site permit application,
which in jurisdictions like San Francisco,
is a very substantial package. Lessening
the design review requirements by liber-
alizing waivers and concessions could also
be considered.
Finally, the case of 833 Bryant highlights
the eciency gains that are possible when
aordable development stakeholders, in
both the private and public sectors, are
focused primarily on providing decent-
quality housing as quickly as they can for
as many families as they can. The stake-
holders for 833 Bryant shared this goal
and were able to work together to achieve
substantial cost and time savings. It is not
common for the stakeholders of aord-
able developments to commit to dened
time and cost goals and there are powerful
incentives to add design elements that
increase costs and extend the develop-
ment timeline. Incorporating dened and
meaningful cost and time goals into the
process of developing aordable housing,
either through subsidy programs or
through other means, could be a means of
bringing cost discipline to housing produc-
tion and making the best use of scarce
subsidy dollars. Across the country the
lack of aordable housing remains a far
more pressing problem than the quality
of aordable housing that is built. A focus
on producing quality housing speedily and
controlling costs will result in more fami-
lies being stably housed with the limited
subsidies available.
ENDNOTES
1. Watson, N. E., et al. (2020). “Worst Case Housing Needs:
2019 Report To Congress.” Worst Case Housing Needs. Retrieved
from:https://www.huduser.gov/portal/publications/worst-case-
housing-needs-2020.html.
2. CBPP. (2019).“Federal Rental Assistance Fact Sheets.” Center on
Budget and Policy Priorities. Retrieved from:https://www.cbpp.org/
research/housing/federal-rental-assistance-fact-sheets.
3. U.S. HUD. (2020). “CoC Homeless Populations and Subpopu-
lations Reports.” Retrieved from:https://www.hudexchange.info/
programs/coc/coc-homeless-populations-and-subpopulations-re-
ports/?lter_Year=&lter_Scope=NatlTerrDC&lter_State=&lter_
CoC=&program=CoC&group=PopSub.
4. GAO. (2018).“Low-Income Housing Tax Credit: Improved Data
and Oversight Would Strengthen Cost Assessment and Fraud Risk
Management.” U.S. Government Accountability Oce. Retrieved
from: https://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-18-637.
5. Applied Survey Research. (2020). “San Francisco Homeless
Count & Survey Comprehensive Report 2019.” San Francisco Home-
less Point-in-Time Count & Survey.
6. Leifheit, K., et al. (2020). “Expiring Eviction Moratoriums and
COVID-19 Incidence and Mortality.” SSRN Scholarly Paper,Social
Science Research Network. Retrieved from:https://doi.org/10.2139/
ssrn.3739576.
7. Woodhall-Melnik, J. & Dunn, J. (2016). “A Systematic Review of
Outcomes Associated with Participation in Housing First Programs,”
Housing Studies 31, no. 3: 287–304, https://doi.org/10.1080/026
73037.2015.1080816; Bamberger, J. & Dobbins, S. (2014). “Long-
Term Cost Eectiveness of Placing Homeless Seniors in Permanent
Supportive Housing.” Community Development Investment Center
Working Paper (San Francisco, CA: Center for Community Develop-
ment Investments, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco). Retrieved
from:https://www.frbsf.org/community-development/publications/
working-papers/2014/july/long-term-cost-effectiveness-home-
less-seniors-permanent-supportive-housing/.
8. San Francisco Planning. (2020).“San Francisco’s Community
Stabilization | Homelessness Prevention and Supportive Housing.”
Retrieved from:https://projects.sfplanning.org/community-stabiliza-
tion/homelessness-prevention-and-supportive-housing.htm.
9. Goggin, B. (2018). “Measuring the Housing Permitting Process
in San Francisco.” Terner Center for Housing Innovation (Blog).
Retrieved from:https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/measuring-
the-housing-permitting-process-in-san-francisco; Reid, C. (2020).
“The Costs of Aordable Housing Production: Insights from Califor-
nia’s 9 Percent Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Program.” Terner
Center for Housing Innovation. Retrieved from: https://ternercenter.
berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/development-costs-lihtc-9-per-
cent-california/.
10. Additionally, $5,405,858 of developer fee is recontributed to
the project for a total development cost of $60.4 million, exclusive of
acquisition costs.
11. Applied Survey Research. (2019). “San Francisco Homeless
Count & Survey Comprehensive Report 2019.”
12. The units in 833 Bryant are 260 square feet, which is above the
220 square foot minimum for new construction in San Francisco and
much larger than units in single-room occupancy (SRO) develop-
ments. As of 2011 a limited number of units of 150 to 220 can be built.
However, units of less than 300 square feet size are rarely built as new
aordable housing in the city.
13. This package of cost eciencies are not the only innovations
at play at 833 Bryant. HAF’s acquisition of the site, for example,
represents a dierent approach to nding sites for aordable housing
than are typically used in San Francisco. However, this brief focuses
on cost and timeline savings, which the project intended to achieve
largely though this package of four approaches.
14. Reid, C. & Raetz, H. (2018). “Practitioners Weigh in on Drivers of
Rising Housing Construction Costs in San Francisco.” Terner Center
for Housing Innovation. Retrieved from: http://ternercenter.berkeley.
edu/uploads/San_Francisco_Construction_Cost_Brief_-_Terner_
Center_January_2018.pdf.
15. Brian Goggin, “Measuring the Housing Permitting Process in San
Francisco,” Terner Center Blog (blog), July 24, 2018, https://terner-
center.berkeley.edu/blog/measuring-the-housing-permitting-pro-
cess-in-san-francisco.
16. Reid, C. (2020). “The Costs of Aordable Housing Production:
Insights from California’s 9 Percent Low-Income Housing Tax Credit
Program.” Terner Center for Housing Innovation. Retrieved from:
https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/develop-
ment-costs-lihtc-9-percent-california/.
17. Raetz, H. et al. (2020). “The Hard Costs of Construction: Recent
Trends in Labor and Materials Costs for Apartment Buildings in
California.” Terner Center for Housing Innovation. Retrieved from:
https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/hard-construction-costs-apart-
ments-california.
18. Barbour, E. & Teitz, M. (2005). “CEQA Reform: Issues and
Options.” Public Policy Institute of California. Retrieved from: http://
www.ppic.org/publication/ceqa-reform-issues-and-options/.
19. Reid, C. (2020). “The Costs of Aordable Housing Production:
Insights from California’s 9 Percent Low-Income Housing Tax Credit
Program.” Terner Center for Housing Innovation. Retrieved from:
https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/develop-
ment-costs-lihtc-9-percent-california/.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We would like to extend our thanks to Tipping Point Community who
provided nancial support for this project. We would like to thank
the San Francisco Housing Accelerator Fund and Mercy Housing for
providing data and thoughtful feedback.