1
INTRODUCTION
Michigan drivers have long paid the highest auto insurance
rates in the country. By mandating unlimited personal
injury protection (PIP) for all drivers and failing to regulate
reimbursement rates for medical providers, the state’s
average insurance rates had ballooned to over $3,000
per year by 2019, nearly $800 higher than the next closest
state.
1
While Michigan rates were high, rates in its biggest
city, Detroit, were astronomical, with drivers facing an
average rate of over $6,300, a function of the unlimited PIP
requirement coupled with insurance discrimination based on
geographic and other non-driving factors.
2
In the spring of
2019, the Michigan legislature passed sweeping reforms to
Michigan’s auto insurance laws, with the goal of driving down
these exorbitant rates. These reforms began to take effect in
the summer of 2020.
In this brief, we analyze the early outcomes of auto insurance
reform more than a year after the initial provisions of the law
went into effect. In a 2019 brief, which was widely cited in the
run-up to reform, we argued that high auto insurance rates
erected a significant barrier to economic mobility, forcing
those with low incomes to go without a car, dedicate a large
share of their limited income to insurance premiums, or drive
without insurance, exposing them to legal penalties. Here, we
evaluate the success of auto insurance reform through the
same lens, seeking to understand the extent to which recent
reforms have offered Michiganders a boost in their pursuit of
economic mobility.
We will provide some background on the 2019 law, use
preliminary data to describe the impact of the law more than
one year after taking effect, and discuss what still needs to be
done to ensure the cost of auto insurance does not continue
to stand as a barrier to economic mobility for Michigan
residents. Early data find the average cost of auto insurance
declined significantly in Michigan from 2019 to 2020a steeper
decline than anywhere else in the country. However, the cost
of insurance remains unreasonably high for many Michigan
residents—and Detroit residents in particular. We will outline
how Michigan’s insurance laws can be improved to further
reduce rates statewide and in Detroit. In addition, we will
discuss some of the early, unintended consequences of the
reform law, such as reduced revenues for long-term care
facilities, and outline how careful policy reforms can assure
quality long-term care for vulnerable Michiganders, while not
driving up insurance rates across the system.
BUILDING ON MICHIGAN’S AUTO INSURANCE REFORM LAW
By Amanda Nothaft and Patrick Cooney
DECEMBER 2021
KEY FINDINGS
The reforms instituted through the 2019 auto insurance
reform law made a difference. Early data suggest rates
across the state have fallen by nearly 20%.
Even with these reductions, Michigan rates remain
the highest in the country, and average rates in Detroit
still eat up over 18% of the median household income in
that city.
Insurance rates are still highly correlated with race,
and more can be done to eliminate the discriminatory
impact of using non-driving factors to calculate rates.
The method used to cap medical fees may be
unnecessarily stringent and out of line with national
peers, causing a crisis in access to care for victims of
catastrophic accidents that occurred prior to reform.
2
AUTO INSURANCE IN MICHIGAN AND THE 2019
REFORM LAW
Owing to a unique mix of policies, Michigan has long held the
dubious distinction of having the highest auto insurance rates in
the country. Prior to the 2019 reform law, Michigan was the only
state in the country that required every driver to have unlimited
personal injury protection (PIP) to cover medical claims in the
case of severe injury, and auto insurance was almost always
considered the primary insurer in the event of auto accidents.
In addition, Michigan did not impose a medical fee schedule on
procedures covered by auto insurance. These two policies led to
high claims in Michigan, which drove up rates.
3
In addition, Michigan allowed the use of non-driving factors to
determine auto insurance rates, which led to rates in majority-
Black zip codes that were even higher than those in the rest
of the state. Under prior law, insurance companies could
take into account a range of non-driving factors to determine
auto insurance rates, including marital status, educational
attainment, homeownership status, credit scores, and the zip
code in which one lives.
4
Owing to historical and persistent
racial discrimination in housing and labor markets, as well
as structural racial inequities in our education system, many
of these non-driving factors highly correlate with race.
5
This
means that prior to reform, the share of Black residents in
a zip code was highly correlated with the average price of
auto insurance (correlation coefficient of 0.76, with 1 being the
strongest possible correlation), while other factors, such as a
zip code’s median income or poverty rate, were only weakly
correlated with the price of insurance.
6
Said another way, if
you knew the share of Black residents in a zip code, you could
offer a good guess as to the price of auto insurance. In 2019,
the average premium for all zip codes in the state was $3,100;
for the 37 zip codes in which more than 50% of residents were
Black, the average rate was $5,500.
7
Several elements of the law that took effect in 2020 are
designed to both rein in PIP payouts and reform discriminatory
rate setting practices. Under the new law, drivers are not
required to purchase unlimited PIP coverage, but they
can instead select PIP coverage that best fits their needs
and existing health insurance coverage. Consumers have
the choice of six different coverage levels, including an
opportunity to opt out of purchasing unlimited PIP coverage if
they have a health insurance policy that covers auto injuries
and has a deductible of $6,000 or less.
8
The law also provides
low-cost options for seniors and drivers with low incomes,
allowing seniors to completely opt out of PIP if they have
Medicare Part A and B, and Medicaid recipients to purchase
a policy with $50,000 in PIP coverage, so long as other
household members also have adequate coverage.
9
The new
law also seeks to reduce PIP costs by placing limits on the
fees health providers can charge auto insurance companies
for medical services, a change that should impact everyone
who carries PIP coverage.
The new law also prohibits the use of sex, marital status,
homeownership, education level, zip code, or credit score
when determining rates.
10
By removing these factors—most
of which are highly correlated with race and poverty—the
new law removes a set of elements that disproportionately
impact minority and low-income drivers and should have a
bigger impact on their rates compared to the average driver.
11
However, as we discuss below, it is unclear how this reform is
playing out in practice, as insurers can often use proxies for
these non-driving factors that may have an equally or perhaps
greater discriminatory effect.
HOW MUCH HAVE RATES CHANGED POST
REFORM?
The new law has been in effect for a little over a year, and
certain elements of the law—such as the reduction in
reimbursement rates for medical services covered by auto
insurance—only recently went into effect.
12
However, even
partial implementation of the law over a relatively brief time
period has led to a significant decline in rates across the state.
Relying on data from The Zebra, an auto insurance comparison
marketplace that collects rate information from public rate
filing and insurance rating platforms, we analyzed the changes
in estimated rates statewide and in Detroit.
Between 2019 and 2020, average estimated rates fell by 18%
statewide, the steepest decline of anywhere in the country
over that time period.
13
This is a decline of nearly $600 per
year for the average Michigan driver. Despite this dramatic
fall, Michigan’s auto insurance rates remain the highest in the
nation, after having risen by 40% between 2011 and 2019. The
high statewide average is partially driven by Detroit and metro
Detroit, where auto insurance rates are higher than the state
average. However, even when Detroit and the Detroit Metro
area are excluded from the calculations, Michigan’s average
rate—$2,336—is still slightly higher than any other state in
the country, and is 2.5 times the average rate in Ohio, which
at $926 has one of the lowest rates in the nation. Despite the
reform and a substantial decrease in rates, insurance rates
remain high and largely unaffordable in Michigan.
3
Insurance rates have always been substantially higher in
Detroit, partially due to greater numbers of PIP claims and
partially because insurers were allowed to use non-driving
factors to calculate rates.
14
In theory, the new law should lead
to larger declines in Detroit than the state overall because
the exclusion of non-driving factors in rate-setting should
have a larger impact in majority-Black areas most severely
impacted by discriminatory rate-setting practices. However,
post-reform, the rates in Detroit remain twice as high as the
rest of the state, falling at the same rate as the statewide
average (18%). While these data are preliminary and we may
see rates drop more dramatically in the next year, it appears
the new law does not go far enough to protect non-white and
low-income people from being discriminated against in the
insurance market.
ROOM FOR IMPROVEMENT?
While rates in Michigan remain the highest in the country
and $1,000 above the national average of $1,483, rates in
Detroit are an eye-popping $5,146 a year.
15
In New Orleans,
the city with the second highest rates in the country,
residents face an average rate of $3,564, nearly $1,500
less than Detroit.
16
Rates may decline further as actuarial
models adjust to the consequences of the law and new
insurers enter the Michigan insurance market, many of
whom did not previously offer policies in the state due to
the requirement of unlimited PIP coverage with no fee
limits.
17
However, the gap between rates in Detroit and the
rest of the state does not show any sign of closing despite
the removal of non-driving factors from rate calculations.
Additionally, as the law comes into effect, some individuals
injured under the unlimited PIP provisions in the prior law
are losing access to catastrophic care services that they
previously received, an unintended and unfortunate byproduct
of the reform law.
18
Understanding why rates may not be
falling at a faster rate for Detroit drivers and how the new cost
controls are impacting vulnerable auto accident victims can
give us insight into ways the law could be made stronger.
TAKING A CLOSER LOOK AT NON-DRIVING FACTORS
Although the new law specifically prohibits the use of zip
code and credit score in calculating rates, it still allows
insurance companies to group insurance risks by geographic
“territory” and use an insurance score, which has credit score
as a component, in determining rates.
19
Consequently, rates
remain as highly correlated with race as they were prior to
reform. The chart below shows the median price of auto
insurance in every zip code in the state plotted against the
percentage of residents in that zip code who are Black. Blue
dots represent 2019 rates, orange dots represent 2020 rates,
and we have added trend lines highlighting the relationship
between the racial makeup of a zip code and auto insurance
rates. As we can see by the trajectory of the trend lines,
while insurance reform has lowered rates across the board,
it has done nothing to change the relationship between the
percentage of Black residents in a zip code and the price of
auto insurance in that zip code.
20
FIGURE 1: AUTO INSURANCE RATES, 2011 TO 2020
$1,000
$2,000
$3,000
$4,000
$5,000
$6,000
$7,000
Detroit
Detroit Metro
Outstate
State Overall
2020201920182017201620152014201320122011
$4,501$4,501
$5,244
$5,244
$4,346
$4,346
$4,307
$4,307
$4,175
$4,175
$5,679
$5,679
$6,029
$6,029
$6,066
$6,066
$6,314
$6,314
$5,146
$5,146
$2,398$2,398
$2,901
$2,901
$2,356
$2,356
$2,292
$2,292
$2,211
$2,211
$2,918
$2,918
$3,180
$3,180
$3,195
$3,195
$3,477
$3,477
$2,820
$2,820
$2,068$2,068
$2,
587$2,587
$2,
093$2,093
$1,
961$1,961
$1,
895$1,895
$2,
419$2,419
$2,
636$2,636
$2,
656$2,656
$2,
857$2,857
$2,336
$2,336
$2,220$2,220
$2,742
$2,742
$2,222
$2,222
$2,109
$2,109
$2,038
$2,038
$2,635
$2,635
$2,869
$2,869
$2,884
$2,884
$3,106
$3,106
$2,535
$2,535
$1,000
$2,000
$3,000
$4,000
$5,000
$6,000
$7,000
Detroit
Detroit Metro
Outstate
State Overall
2020201920182017201620152014201320122011
$4,501$4,501
$5,244
$5,244
$4,346
$4,346
$4,307
$4,307
$4,175
$4,175
$5,679
$5,679
$6,029
$6,029
$6,066
$6,066
$6,314
$6,314
$5,146
$5,146
$2,398$2,398
$2,901
$2,901
$2,356
$2,356
$2,292
$2,292
$2,211
$2,211
$2,918
$2,918
$3,180
$3,180
$3,195
$3,195
$3,477
$3,477
$2,820
$2,820
$2,068$2,068
$2,
587$2,587
$2,
093$2,093
$1,
961$1,961
$1,
895$1,895
$2,
419$2,419
$2,
636$2,636
$2,
656$2,656
$2,
857$2,857
$2,336
$2,336
$2,220$2,220
$2,742
$2,742
$2,222
$2,222
$2,109
$2,109
$2,038
$2,038
$2,635
$2,635
$2,869
$2,869
$2,884
$2,884
$3,106
$3,106
$2,535
$2,535
LEGEND:
4
Geography can play a legitimate actuarial role in determining
rates—for example, driving in more congested urban areas
results in more accidents, driving faster in rural areas
may cause more fatal accidents, and medical costs may be
higher in one part of a state versus another.
21
However, using
geography to determine rates can also lead to insurance
“redlining,” in which residents of neighborhoods with high
concentrations of Black residents or residents with low
incomes may be charged higher rates based on perceived
risks that may not be borne out by the data.
22
To ensure geography is used in a way that balances increased
risk and geographical differences in medical costs without
discrimination, some states provide restrictions on how
territories can be determined, provide state-defined
territories, or require insurers to get approval for how they
define territories.
23
Michigan only restricts insurers from
using zip codes to determine rates and does not require
approval for, or transparency about, how insurance companies
define their territories. Using state-specified territories
or allowing insurers to develop their own territories based
on strict criteria, as is done in New Jersey, would provide
greater transparency and blunt discriminatory impacts.
24
Alternatively, the law could be amended to require insurers
to create territories that are at least 20 square miles, as is
done in California, potentially broadening the socioeconomic
characteristics of individuals in a particular area.
25
California’s
law also requires more weight be given to driving-related
factors—such as miles driven and vehicle characteristics—
than geography in developing rates.
26
In Connecticut, insurers
are required to moderate the impact of geography on rates by
weighting territory versus statewide experience, which uses
the lower statewide rate to temper the higher rates in the
urban areas.
27
Taking similar steps to ensure territories under
the new law do not have the same discriminatory impact as
zip codes under the old law could help close the gap between
rates in Detroit and the rest of the state.
Similarly, while the prohibition on using credit scores
to calculate risk was intended to diminish racial and
FIGURE 2: MEDIAN PRICE OF AUTO INSURANCE IN MICHIGAN ZIP CODES 2019 AND 2020 BY % BLACK IN ZIP CODE
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
1000
2000
3000
4000
5000
6000
7000
8000
Median price of
auto insurance 2019
Median price of
auto insurance 2020
Linear (Median price of
auto insurance 2019)
Linear (Median price of
auto insurance 2020)
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
1000
2000
3000
4000
5000
6000
7000
8000
Median price of
auto insurance 2019
Median price of
auto insurance 2020
Linear (Median price of
auto insurance 2019)
Linear (Median price of
auto insurance 2020)
LEGEND:
5
socioeconomic disparities in rates, the continued use of
insurance scores—which rely, in part, on credit scores—may
render this change irrelevant. The continued use of credit
scores, either explicitly or by proxy, will have a racially and
socioeconomically discriminatory effect, as the outcomes of
other forms of systemic discrimination are often visible on
credit reports.
28
Furthermore, analyses have found credit
scores are unrelated to driving risk.
29
To truly remove these
negative biases, insurance scores should be eliminated as a
factor in determining insurance rates, as California, Hawaii,
and Massachusetts have done.
REINING IN MEDICAL COSTS WHILE SUPPORTING
QUALITY CARE
For years prior to reform, the major driver of high rates across
the state was Michigan’s unique mix of policies that mandated
all drivers obtain unlimited PIP while at the same time placed
no limits on the cost of medical services covered by auto
insurance. Though the reform law ended the unlimited PIP
requirement—the likely cause of declining rates statewide—
and introduced a fee schedule on medical services that went
into effect this year, more can be done in both of these areas
to lessen the impact of medical costs on rates, while also
supporting quality long-term care for those who need it.
As reflected in their lower auto insurance rates, other states
have contained PIP costs better than Michigan. Post-reform,
Michigan still requires a minimum of $250,000 of PIP for
most drivers, and it remains the only state where unlimited
PIP coverage is an option. In other no-fault states, minimum
PIP coverage ranges from a low $3,000 in Utah to a high of
$50,000 in New York, where $50,000 is also the maximum
available.
30
Additional coverage is available in other no-fault
states, but these states set limits to coverage, such as $50,000
in New York or $250,000 in New Jersey. Though eliminating
mandatory unlimited PIP was a necessary step, Michigan's
still elevated rates may be in part due to its still relatively high
PIP requirements.
In states with lower minimums, health insurance becomes
the primary payer after PIP limits are reached, which helps
contain PIP costs. Some states, like New Jersey, have lowered
medical costs further by allowing drivers to designate their
health insurance as the primary insurer in a car accident.
31
Michigan’s new law allows auto insurers to offer a managed
care option, where auto insurers contract with health care
providers to cover the cost of care and medical deductibles for
drivers. However, insurers are not required to offer this option.
Ensuring consumers have the choice of selecting a managed
care option or a deductible on medical expenses could help
further reduce rates.
In addition to mandating unlimited PIP, the previous auto
insurance law did not impose a medical fee schedule on
service providers, resulting in inflated rates for medical
procedures covered by auto insurance as opposed to other
forms of health insurance. To control medical costs, the
reform law set rates at 200% of the Medicare reimbursement
rate, a level similar to those in other states that rely on
the Medicare charge list or the fees allowed by the state’s
workers’ compensation schedules.
32
For procedures not on the
Medicare master charge schedule, however, fees are capped
at roughly 50% to 75% of what they were in July 2019. This new
fee schedule was introduced in July 2021.
33
While the introduction of a medical fee schedule was
necessary to control costs and bring down rates for Michigan
drivers, the rate cuts for certain services subject to the lower
reimbursement rates, such as those provided by long-term
care facilities, may have been too dramatic. Already, reports
suggest these fee caps are causing problems for accident
victims who were injured prior to the passage of the reform
bill, as many providers face budget shortfalls and may be
forced to go out of business.
34
Indeed, other states have set rates for services not on the
Medicare schedule in a manner that seeks to reimburse
providers for the true cost of care. For example, New Jersey
creates a regional state fee schedule based on the “reasonable
and prevailing fees of 75% of practitioners in the region.”
35
For fees not on the schedule, providers justify their fees
based on fees billed to other payers. Insurers determine the
reasonableness of this fee relying on previous experience
with the provider and national databases of fees. Conflicts
between auto insurers and medical providers over non-fee
schedule charges are resolved through binding arbitration. In
Pennsylvania, fees not on the Medicare schedule are limited
to 80% of the providers’ usual and customary charge.
36
By
implementing a careful policy around reimbursement for
those services not on the Medicare schedule, Michigan can
both better contain costs and support the long-term care
facilities particularly burdened by the reform law.
In addition, we should bear in mind that Michigan’s
Catastrophic Claims Fund could be playing a much larger role
in ensuring long-term support for people catastrophically
injured in an auto accident. The fund, managed by the Michigan
Catastrophic Claims Association (MCAA), was worth $23
billion in 2020 and was designed under the old law to cover
long-term care that exceeded $600,000.
37
There is no reason
medical services paid for by this fund should be subject to a
low reimbursement rate—the fund was specifically designed
to cover the high costs of care that claimants with unlimited
PIP might incur. In addition, going forward, given that fewer
claimants will now have unlimited PIP, and therefore won’t
hit the $600,000 threshold, the fund could potentially be
repurposed to support long-term care providers by covering
more claimants at sustainable reimbursement rates.
6
CONCLUSION
One year after certain elements of the auto insurance
reform law went into effect, average insurance rates have
fallen considerably in Michigan, but remain the highest in
the country and unaffordable for nearly every jurisdiction
in the state.
38
To further lower rates, and ensure high auto
insurance prices don’t continue to stand as a barrier to
economic mobility, lawmakers could do the following:
OFFER GREATER CHOICE IN PERSONAL INJURY
PROTECTION COVERAGE.
While the changes to PIP made in the 2019 law clearly had
an impact on rates, Michigan is still an outlier in the amount
of PIP drivers have to purchase. More could be done to lower
rates by aligning with PIP practices in other states.
REQUIRE INSURANCE COMPANIES TO BUILD CERTAIN
FACTORS, AT CERTAIN WEIGHTS, INTO THEIR MODELS FOR
CALCULATING RATES.
In the 2019 law, the State barred insurance companies from
using a number of non-driving factors to calculate insurance
rates, only to see insurance companies use proxy measures
to replace the prohibited factors. This meant that while the
2019 law reduced rates for all Michigan drivers, it did nothing
to reduce discriminatory pricing by race. To reduce rates in
majority-Black zip codes, Michigan should look to California,
where insurance companies must give a certain weight to
three mandatory, driving-related factors in calculating their
rates: driving record, annual miles driven, and years of driving
experience.
39
By dictating what factors insurance companies
have to consider and the weight they must give those factors—
rather than the current practice of specifying what factors they
cannot consider—the state can limit the discriminatory impact
of non-driving factors.
REVISIT REIMBURSEMENT RATES FOR SERVICES NOT ON
THE MEDICARE SCHEDULE, AND USE THE CATASTROPHIC
CLAIMS FUND TO SUPPORT LONG-TERM CARE.
While containing the costs of medical fees is integral to
reducing auto insurance costs, the sharp reduction in
reimbursement rates for long-term care providers may drive
providers out of business, resulting in poor outcomes for
auto accident victims requiring long-term care. Lawmakers
should revisit reimbursement policies for services not
on the Medicare fee schedule, looking to models in other
states that have implemented a more nuanced approach. In
addition, lawmakers should seek to utilize the surplus in the
Catastrophic Claims Fund to restructure how that fund is used
to support long-term care facilities.
The 2019 reform law was an essential first step, but
lawmakers should not be content. When we first wrote about
Michigan’s high auto insurance rates in 2019, we emphasized
the ways in which high auto insurance rates create a barrier
to economic mobility. For many Michigan drivers, this barrier
has not been adequately diminished. More must be done to
eliminate discriminatory rate setting practices and further
curb the impact of PIP on rates. However, while we continue to
push for lower rates, we must carefully consider the impact on
those receiving long-term care and ensure that providers are
reimbursed for services in a way that enables those who have
been catastrophically injured in an auto accident to receive the
care they need.
The passage of the 2019 reform law was years in the making
and made meaningful changes that lowered rates for Michigan
drivers. Now, more than two years after the passage of the
law, we should celebrate what’s working right and fix whats
not, to ensure Michigan’s insurance system does not stand as
a barrier to opportunity and also provides security and peace
of mind to Michigan drivers.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Amanda Nothaft is a senior data and evaluation manager at the
University of Michigans Poverty Solutions, a university-wide
initiative that aims to prevent and alleviate poverty through
action-based research.
Patrick Cooney is the assistant director of policy impact at
U-M’s Poverty Solutions.
7
ENDNOTES
1 The Zebra. “2021 State of Auto Insurance.” (2021). https://www.thezebra.
com/state-of-insurance/auto/2021/#introduction Some rates in this
brief, both for Michigan and Detroit, differ from rates cited in Poverty
Solutions' 2019 auto insurance policy brief. This is because the Zebra's
current year reports only use data from just over half of a calendar year.
In later reports, the Zebra revises prior year numbers after generating
an entire year's worth of quotes.
2 The Zebra. “2021 State of Auto Insurance.”; Patrick Cooney, Elizabeth
Phillips, and Joshua Rivera, “Auto Insurance and Economic Mobility in
Michigan,” (March 2019). https://poverty.umich.edu/files/2019/05/auto_
insurance_and_economic_mobility_in_michigan_2.pdf
3 Patrick Cooney, Elizabeth Phillips, and Joshua Rivera, “Auto Insurance
and Economic Mobility in Michigan,” (March 2019).
4 Patrick Cooney, Elizabeth Phillips, and Joshua Rivera, “Auto Insurance
and Economic Mobility in Michigan,” (March 2019).
5 See, for example: Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law. (Liveright, New York,
2017); Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan, “Are Emily and Greg
More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor
Market Discrimination,” National Bureau of Economic Research (July
2003); Sean F. Reardon, School Segregation and Racial Achievement Gaps.
The Russell Sage Foundation Journal, Vol. 2, No. 5, (September 2016).
6 We also conducted a regression analysis to understand the extent to
which the racial makeup of a zip code explains auto insurance rates in
that zip code relative to other factors, such as population density and
poverty. In all of the models, for both 2019 and 2020, race is the dominant
correlate with rates. While the explanatory power of the model increases
slightly when other factors are included, the impact of race is much
larger than any other factor.
7 Authors’ analysis of auto insurance data from The Zebra.
8 MCL, §500.3107c (2019).
9 MCL, §500.3107c (2019).
10 MCL, §500.2111(4) (2019), For a comprehensive summary of the law see:
https://www.michigan.gov/AutoInsurance
11 Patrick Cooney, Elizabeth Phillips, and Joshua Rivera, “Auto Insurance
and Economic Mobility in Michigan,” (March 2019).
12 MCL, §500.3157 (2019).
13 The Zebra. “2021 State of Auto Insurance.”
14 Patrick Cooney, Elizabeth Phillips, and Joshua Rivera, “Auto Insurance
and Economic Mobility in Michigan,” (March 2019).
15 The Zebra. “2021 State of Auto Insurance.”
16 The Zebra. “2021 State of Auto Insurance.”
17 JC Reindl, “New Michigan Auto Insurer Doesn't Use Credit Scores,
Charges Lower Rates,” Detroit Free Press, July 9, 2021. https://www.
freep.com/story/money/business/2021/07/09/michigan-cure-auto-
insurance-credit-scores/7880516002/
18 Anna Liz Nichols, “Car Crash Victims Could Lose Care Under New
Rules,” Detroit Free Press, May 29, 2021. https://www.detroitnews.com/
story/news/local/michigan/2021/05/29/car-crash-victims-lose-rehab-
coverage-michigan-insurance-reform/116678586/; Tracy Samilton,
“Some Insurance Companies Have Stopped Paying Healthcare Providers
for Auto Accident Survivors,” Michigan Radio, September 6, 2021. https://
www.michiganradio.org/law/2021-09-06/some-insurance-companies-
have-stopped-paying-healthcare-providers-for-auto-accident-survivors
19 MCL, §500.2151 (2019).
20 The correlation coefficient for both years is 0.76. Estimates for percent
Black in each zip code are from the authors’ analysis of 2019 American
Community Survey 5-year averages.
21 David E. Clark and Brad M. Cushing, “Rural and urban traffic fatalities,
vehicle miles, and population density,” Accident Analysis & Prevention,
Vol. 36:6, (November 2004):967-972. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.
aap.2003.10.006; Congressional Budget Office, Geographic Variation
in Health Care Spending. Publication No. CBO-2978, February 2008;
Insurance Information Institute, “2020 Insurance Fact Book,” (2021).
https://www.iii.org/search/node/2020%20Insurance%20Fact%20
Book; Janet L. Kaminsky, Territorial Rating for Auto Insurance. Office of
Legislative Research, State of Connecticut, September 2006. https://
www.cga.ct.gov/2006/rpt/2006-R-0542.htm
22 Jeff Larson, Julia Angwin, Lauren Kirchner, Surya Mattu, Dina Haner,
Michael Saccucci, Keith Newsom-Stewart, Andrew Cohen, and Martin
Romm, “How We Examined Racial Discrimination in Auto Insurance
Prices,“ ProPublica, April 5, 2017. https://www.propublica.org/article/
minority-neighborhoods-higher-car-insurance-premiums-methodology
23 Janet L. Kaminsky, Territorial Rating for Auto Insurance. Office of
Legislative Research, State of Connecticut, September 2006.
24 NJ Rev Stat § 17:29A-48 (2019).
25 Cal Ins Code § 11628(a)(2) (2012).
26 10 CA Code of Regs 2632.
27 Conn. Gen. Stat. § 38a-686 (2013).
28 Michelle Singletary “Credit scores are supposed to be race-neutral.
That’s impossible.” The Washington Post, October 16, 2020. https://www.
washingtonpost.com/business/2020/10/16/how-race-affects-your-
credit-score/
29 The Truth About Car Insurance,” Consumer Reports, July 30, 2015.
https://www.consumerreports.org/cro/car-insurance/auto-insurance-
special-report/index.htm
30 Personal Injury Protection Insurance (PIP)”, The Zebra, accessed
October 31, 2021. https://www.thezebra.com/auto-insurance/insurance-
guide/pip-insurance/
31 NJ Rev Stat § 39:6A-4.3 (2013).
32 NJAC § 11:3-29.4, Appendix, Exhibit 1 (2020), FL Stat § 627.736 (2012), NY
Ins Law § 28.5108 (2014), HI Rev Stat §431:10C-308.5 (2012), 31 PA Code
§69.21.
33 MCL §500.3157 (2019).
34 Carol Thompson, “I don’t think I’ve been this stressed: No-fault
reforms upend life for Michigan’s crash victims,” The Detroit News,
July 27, 2021. https://www.detroitnews.com/story/news/local/
michigan/2021/07/28/no-fault-reforms-upend-life-michigan-crash-
victims-families/8043469002/
35 NJ Rev Stat §39.6A-4.6 (2013).
36 31 PA Code §69.21.
37 Carol Thompson, “’I don’t think I’ve been this stressed: No-fault reforms
upend life for Michigan’s crash victims.”
38 The U.S. Treasury Department’s Federal Insurance Office deems auto
insurance “unaffordable” in areas where premiums exceed 2 percent
of a ZIP code’s median household income. See: U.S. Treasury Federal
Insurance Office, Study on the Affordability of Personal Automobile
Insurance, January 2017. https://www.treasury.gov/initiatives/fio/
reports-and-notices/Documents/FINAL%20Auto%20Affordability%20
Study_web.pdf
39 The California Code of Regulations, 10 CCR § 2632.5. h t t p s : / / g o v t . w e s t l a
w . c o m / c a l r e g s / D o c u m e n t / I 3 5 9 6 7 4 A 0 D 4 9 2 1 1 D E B C 0 2 8 3 1 C 6 D 6 C 1 0 8 E ? c o n
t e x t D a t a = ( s c . D e f a u l t ) & o r i g i n a t i o n C o n t e x t = d o c u m e n t t o c & t r a n s i t i o n T y p e =
D o c u m e n t I t e m & v i e w T y p e = F u l l T e x t