THE SECOND AMENDMENT
Nelson Lund
George Mason University School of Law
Adam Winkler
UCLA School of Law
National Constitution Center, Interactive Constitution
George Mason University
Legal Studies Research Paper Series
LS 15-23
This paper is available on the Social Science Research Network
at ssrn.com/abstract=2662700
TheSecondAmendment
NationalConstitutionCenter
InteractiveConstitution
http://constitutioncenter.org/interactive
constitution/amendments/amendmentii
CommonInterpretation
ByNelsonLundandAdamWinkler
ModerndebatesabouttheSecondAmendmenthavefocusedonwhetheritprotectsaprivate
rightofindividualstokeepandbeararms,orarightthatcanbeexercisedonlythroughmilitia
organizations like the National Guard. This question, however, was not even raised until long
aftertheBillofRightswasadopted.
Many in the Founding generation believed that governments are prone to use soldiers to
oppress the people. English history suggested that this risk could be controlled by permitting
thegovernmenttoraisearmies(consistingoffull time paidtroops)onlywhenneededtofight
foreign adversaries.
For other purposes, such as responding to sudden invasions or other
emergencies, the government could rely on a militia that consisted of ordinary civilians who
suppliedtheirownweaponsandreceivedsomeparttime,unpaidmilitarytraining.
Theonsetofwardoesnotalwaysallowtimetoraise andtrainanarmy,andtheRevolutionary
Warshowedthatmilitia forcescould notbereliedonfor nationaldefense. TheConstitutional
Convention therefore decided that the federal government should have almost unfettered
authoritytoestablishpeacetimestandingarmiesandtoregulatethemilitia.
This massive shift of power from the states to the federal government generated one of the
chief objections to the proposed Constitution. AntiFederalists argued that the proposed
Constitution would take from the states their principal means of defense against federal
usurpation.TheFederalistsrespondedthatfearsoffederaloppressionwereoverblown,inpart
becausetheAmericanpeoplewere
armedandwouldbealmostimpossibletosubduethrough
militaryforce.
Implicitin thedebate betweenFederalistsand AntiFederalistsweretwo sharedassumptions.
First, that the proposed new Constitution gave the federal government almost total legal
authorityoverthearmyandmilitia.Second,thatthefederalgovernment shouldnothave any
authorityatalltodisarmthecitizenry.Theydisagreedonlyaboutwhetheranarmedpopulace
couldadequatelydeterfederaloppression.
TheSecond AmendmentconcedednothingtotheAntiFederalists’desiretosharplycurtailthe
military power of the federal government, which would have required substantial changes in
the original Constitution. Yet the Amendment was easily accepted because of widespread
agreementthatthefederalgovernmentshouldnothavethepowertoinfringetherightofthe
peopletokeepandbeararms,anymorethanitshouldhavethepowertoabridgethefreedom
ofspeechorprohibitthefreeexerciseofreligion.
Much has changed since 1791. The traditional militia fell into desuetude, and statebased
militia organizations were eventually incorporated into the federal military structure. The
nation’s military establishment has become enormously more powerful than eighteenth
century armies. We still hear political rhetoric about federal tyranny, but most Americans do
not fear the nation’s armed forces and virtually no one thinks that an armed populace could
defeatthoseforcesinbattle.Furthermore,eighteenthcenturyciviliansroutinelykeptathome
theverysameweaponstheywouldneedifcalledtoserveinthemilitia,whilemodernsoldiers
are equipped with weapons thatdi ffer significantly from those generallythought a ppropriate
for civilian uses. Civilians no longer expect to use their household weapons for militia duty,
although they still keep and bear arms to defend against common criminals (as well as for
huntingandotherformsofrecreation).
Thelawhasalsochanged.WhilestatesintheFoundingeraregulatedguns—blackswereoften
prohibited from possessing firearms and militia weapons were frequently registered on
government rolls—gun laws today are more extensive and controversial. Another important
legal developmentwas theadoptionof theFourteenth Amendment.The SecondAmendment
originally applied only to the federal government, leaving the states to regulate weapons as
theysaw
fit.AlthoughthereissubstantialevidencethatthePrivilegesorImmunitiesClauseof
the Fourteenth Amendment was meant to protect the right of individuals to keep and bear
armsfrominfringementbythestates,theSupremeCourtrejectedthisinterpretationinUnited
Statesv.Cruikshank(1876).
Untilrecently,thejudiciarytreatedtheSecondAmendmentalmostasadeadletter.InDistrict
of Columbia v. Heller (2008), however, the Supreme Court invalidated a federal law that
forbade nearly all civilians from possessing handguns in the nation’s capital. A 5–4 majority
ruledthatthelanguageandhistoryoftheSecondAmendmentshowedthat
itprotectsaprivate
rightof individualstohave armsfor theirowndefense,nota rightofthe statestomaintain a
militia.
The dissenters disagreed. They concluded that the Second Amendment protects a nominally
individual right, though onethat protects only “theright of the people of each of the several
States to maintain a wellregulated militia.” They also argued that even if the Second
Amendment did protect an individual right to
have arms for selfdefense, it should be
interpretedtoallowthegovernmenttobanhandgunsinhighcrimeurbanareas.
Twoyearslater,inMcDonaldv.CityofChicago(2010),theCourtstruckdownasimilarhandgun
banatthestatelevel,againbya5–4vote.FourJusticesreliedonjudicialprecedentsunderthe
Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause. Justice Thomas rejected those precedents in
favor of reliance on the Privileges or Immunities Clause, but all five members of the majority
concluded that the Fourteenth Amendment protects against state infringement the same
individualrightthatisprotectedfromfederal
infringementbytheSecondAmendment.
Notwithstandingthelengthy opinionsinHellerandMcDonald,they technicallyruled onlythat
government may not ban the possession of handguns by civilians in their homes. Heller
tentatively suggested a list of “presumptively lawful” regulations, including bans on the
possession of firearms by felons and
the mentally ill, bans on carrying firearms in “sensitive
places”suchasschoolsandgovernmentbuildings,lawsrestrictingthecommercialsaleofarms,
bansontheconcealedcarryoffirearms,andbansonweapons“nottypicallypossessedbylaw
abiding citizens for lawful purposes.” Many issues remain open, and the
lower courts have
disagreed with one another about some of them, including important questions involving
restrictionsoncarryingweaponsinpublic.
________________________
NelsonLundisUniversityProfessoratGeorgeMasonUniversitySchoolofLaw
AdamWinklerisProfessorofLawatUCLASchoolofLaw
NotaSecondClassRight:TheSecondAmendmentToday
ByNelsonLund
Therighttokeepandbeararmsisalotliketherighttofreedomofspeech.Ineachcase,the
Constitutionexpresslyprotectsalibertythatneedstobeinsulatedfromtheordinarypolitical
process.Neitherright,however,isabsolute.TheFirstAmendment,forexample,hasnever
protectedperjury,fraud,orcountlessothercrimesthatarecommittedthroughtheuseof
speech.Similarly,noreasonablepersoncouldbelievethatviolentcriminalsshouldhave
unrestrictedaccesstoguns,orthatanyindividualshouldpossessanuclearweapon.
Inevitably,courtsmustdrawlines,allowinggovernmenttocarryoutitsdutytopreservean
orderlysociety,withoutundulyinfringingthelegitimateinterestsofindividualsinexpressing
theirthoughtsandprotectingthemselvesfromcriminalviolence.Thisisnotaprecisescienceor
onethatwilleverbefreefromcontroversy.
Onejudicialapproach,however,shouldbeunequivocallyrejected.Duringthenineteenth
century,courtsroutinelyrefusedtoinvalidaterestrictionsonfreespeechthatstruckthejudges
asreasonable.Thismeantthatspeechgotvirtuallynojudicialprotection.Government
suppressionofspeechcanusuallybethoughttoservesomereasonablepurpose,suchas
reducingsocialdiscordorpromotinghealthymorals.Similarly,mostguncontrollawscanbe
viewedaseffortstosavelivesandpreventcrime,whichareperfectlyreasonablegoals.Ifthat’s
enoughtojustifyinfringementsonindividualliberty,neitherconstitutionalguaranteemeans
muchofanything.
Duringthetwentiethcentury,theSupremeCourtfinallystartedtakingtheFirstAmendment
seriously.Today,individualfreedomisgenerallyprotectedunlessthegovernmentcanmakea
strongcasethatithasarealneedtosuppressspeechorexpressiveconduct,andthatits
regulationsaretailoredtothatneed.Thelegaldoctrineshavebecomequitecomplex,and
thereisroomfordisagreementaboutmanyoftheCourt’sspecificdecisions.
Takenasawhole,
however,thisbodyofcaselawshowswhattheCourtcandowhenitappreciatesthevalueof
anindividualrightenshrinedintheConstitution.
TheSecondAmendmentalsoraisesissuesaboutwhichreasonablepeoplecandisagree.Butif
theSupremeCourttakesthisprovisionoftheConstitutionasseriouslyasitnowtakestheFirst
Amendment,whichitshoulddo,therewillbesomeeasyissuesaswell.
DistrictofColumbiav.Heller(2008)isoneexample.The“rightofthepeople”protected
bytheSecondAmendmentisanindividualright,justlikethe“right[s]ofthepeople”protected
bytheFirstandFourthAmendments.TheConstitutiondoesnotsaythattheSecond
Amendmentprotectsarightof
thestatesorarightofthemilitia,andnobodyofferedsuchan
interpretationduringtheFoundingera.AbundanthistoricalevidenceindicatesthattheSecond
Amendmentwasmeanttoleavecitizenswiththeabilitytodefendthemselvesagainstunlawful
violence.Suchthreatsmightcomefromusurpersofgovernmentalpower,but
theymightalso
comefromcriminalswhomthegovernmentisunwillingorunabletocontrol.
McDonaldv.CityofChicago(2010)wasalsoaneasycaseundertheCourt’sprecedents.
MostotherprovisionsoftheBillofRightshadalreadybeenappliedtothestatesbecausethey
are“deeplyrootedinthisNation’shistoryandtradition.”Therighttokeepandbeararms
clearlymeetsthistest.
ThetextoftheConstitutionexpresslyguaranteestherighttobeararms,notjustthe
righttokeepthem.Thecourtsshouldinvalidateregulationsthatpreventlawabidingcitizens
fromcarryingweapons
inpublic,wherethevastmajorityofviolentcrimesoccur.First
Amendmentrightsarenotconfinedtothehome,andneitherarethoseprotectedbythe
SecondAmendment.
Norshouldthegovernmentbeallowedtocreateburdensomebureaucraticobstacles
designedtofrustratetheexerciseofSecondAmendmentrights.Thecourts
arevigilantin
preventinggovernmentfromevadingtheFirstAmendmentthroughregulationsthatindirectly
abridgefreespeechrightsbymakingthemdifficulttoexercise.Courtsshouldexercisethesame
vigilanceinprotectingSecondAmendmentrights.
Someotherregulationsthatmayappearinnocuousshouldbestruckdownbecausethey
arelittlemorethanpoliticalstunts.Popularbansonsocalled“assaultrifles,”forexample,
definethisclassofgunsintermsofcosmeticfeatures,leavingfunctionallyidenticalsemi
automaticriflestocirculatefreely.Thisisunconstitutionalforthesamereasonthatitwould
violatetheFirstAmendmenttobanwords
thathaveaFrenchetymology,ortorequirethat
Frenchfriesbecalled“freedomfries.
InmostAmericanstates,includingmanywithlargeurbanpopulationcenters,responsible
adultshaveeasyaccesstoordinaryfirearms,andtheyarepermittedtocarrytheminpublic.
Experiencehasshownthatthesepoliciesdonotleadtoincreasedlevelsofviolence.Criminals
paynomoreattentiontoguncontrolregulationsthantheydotolawsagainstmurder,rape,
androbbery.Armedcitizens,however,preventcountlesscrimesandhavesavedmanylives.
What’smore,themostvulnerablepeople—includingwomen,theelderly,andthosewholivein
highcrimeneighborhoods—areamongthegreatestbeneficiariesoftheSecondAmendment.If
thecourtsrequiretheremainingjurisdictionstostopinfringingontheconstitutionalrightto
keepandbeararms,theircitizenswillbemorefreeandprobablysaferaswell.
TheReasonableRighttoBearArms
ByAdamWinkler
GuncontrolisasmuchapartoftheSecondAmendmentastherighttokeepandbeararms.
Thetextoftheamendment,whichreferstoa“wellregulatedMilitia,”suggestsasmuch.Asthe
SupremeCourtcorrectlynotedinDistrictofColumbiav.Heller(2008),themilitiaofthe
foundingerawasthebodyofordinarycitizenscapableoftakinguparmstodefendthenation.
WhiletheFounderssoughttoprotectthecitizenryfrombeingdisarmedentirely,theydidnot
wishtopreventgovernmentfromadoptingreasonableregulationsofgunsandgunowners.
AlthoughAmericanstodayoftenthinkthatguncontrolisamoderninvention,theFoundingera
hadlawsregulatingthearmedcitizenry.Therewerelawsdesignedtoensureaneffective
militia,suchaslawsrequiringarmedcitizenstoappearatmandatorymusterswheretheirguns
wouldbeinspected.Governmentsalsocompiledregistriesofcivilianownedgunsappropriate
formilitiaservice,sometimesconductingdoortodoorsurveys.TheFoundershadbroadbans
ongunpossessionbypeopledeemeduntrustworthy,includingslavesandloyalists.The
Foundersevenhadlawsrequiringpeopletohavegunsappropriateformilitiaservice.
ThewiderangeofFoundingeralawssuggeststhattheFoundersunderstoodgunrightsquite
differentlyfrommanypeopletoday.Therighttokeepandbeararmswasnotalibertarian
licenseforanyonetohaveanykindofordinaryfirearm,anywheretheywanted.Nordidthe
SecondAmendmentprotectarighttorevoltagainstatyrannicalgovernment.TheSecond
Amendmentwasaboutensuringpublicsafety,andnothinginitslanguagewasthoughtto
preventwhatwouldbeseentodayasquiteburdensomeformsofregulation.
TheFoundingeralawsindicatewhytheFirstAmendmentisnotagoodanalogytotheSecond.
Whiletherehavealwaysbeenlawsrestrictingperjury
andfraudbythespokenword,such
speechwasnotthoughttobepartofthefreedomofspeech.TheSecondAmendment,by
contrast,unambiguouslyrecognizesthatthearmedcitizenrymustberegulated—andregulated
“well.”ThislanguagemostcloselyalignswiththeFourthAmendment,whichprotectsarightto
privacybut
alsorecognizestheauthorityofthegovernmenttoconductreasonablesearches
andseizures.
TheprinciplethatreasonableregulationsareconsistentwiththeSecondAmendmenthasbeen
affirmedthroughoutAmericanhistory.Eversincethefirstcaseschallengingguncontrolsfor
violatingtheSecondAmendmentorsimilarprovisionsinstateconstitutions,courtshave
repeatedlyheldthat“reasonable”gunlaws—thosethatdon’tcompletelydenyaccesstoguns
bylawabidingpeople—areconstitutionallypermissible.For150years,thiswasthesettledlaw
oftheland—untilHeller.
Heller,however,rejectedtheprincipleofreasonablenessonlyinname,notinpractice.The
decisioninsistedthatmanytypesofguncontrollawsarepresumptivelylawful,includingbans
onpossessionoffirearmsbyfelonsandthementallyill,bansonconcealedcarry,banson
dangerousandunusualweapons,restrictionsongunsinsensitiveplaceslikeschoolsand
governmentbuildings,andcommercialsalerestrictions.Nearlyallguncontrollawstodayfit
withintheseexceptions.Importantly,theseexceptionsformoderndaygunlawsunheardofin
theFoundingeraalsoshowthatlawmakersarenotlimitedtothetypesofguncontrolinplace
atthetimeoftheSecondAmendment’sratification.
IntheyearssinceHeller,thefederalcourtshaveupheldtheoverwhelmingmajorityofgun
controllawschallengedundertheSecondAmendment.Bansonassaultweaponshavebeen
consistentlyupheld,ashaverestrictionsongunmagazinesthatholdmorethanaminimum
numberofroundsofammunition.Bansongunsinnationalparks,postoffices,bars,andcollege
campusesalsosurvived.Thesedecisionsmakeclearthatlawmakershavewideleewayto
restrictgunstopromotepublicsafetysolongasthebasicrightoflawabidingpeopletohavea
gunforselfdefenseispreserved.
PerhapsthebiggestopenquestionafterHelleriswhethertheSecondAmendmentprotectsa
righttocarrygunsinpublic.Whileeverystateallowspubliccarry,somestatesrestrictthatright
topeoplewhocanshowaspecialreasontohaveagunonthestreet.Totheextenttheselaws
givelocallawenforcementunfettereddiscretionoverwhocancarry,theyareproblematic.At
thesametime,however,manyconstitutionalrightsarefarmorelimitedinpublicthaninthe
home.Paradescanberequiredtohaveapermit,thepolicehavebroaderpowerstosearch
pedestriansandmotoriststhanprivatehomes,andsexualintimacyinpublicplacescanbe
completelyprohibited.
TheSupreme
Courtmayyetdecidethatmorestringentlimitsonguncontrolarerequiredunder
theSecondAmendment.Suchadecision,however,wouldbecontrarytothetext,history,and
traditionoftherighttokeepandbeararms.