Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching the U.S. Economy

Economic Justice for All:

Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

1986

United States Catholic Bishops

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

In November 1986, the National Conference of Catholic Bishops adopted Economic Justice for All: Catholic Social

Teaching and the U.S. Economy. To mark the document’s tenth anniversary, the U.S. Catholic bishops have issued two

documents. A Decade After “Economic Justice for All”: Continuing Principles, Changing Context, New Challenges,

which was approved in November 1995, is a pastoral reflection applying the message of Economic Justice for All to the

economy of the ‘90s. A Catholic Framework for Economic Life, which was approved in November 1996, outlines ten

key principles of Catholic social teaching on the economy.

This anniversary publication, which includes all three documents as well as updated suggestions for action, is

authorized by the undersigned.

Monsignor Dennis M. Schnurr

General Secretary

NCCB/USCC

(1997)

Inc., 106 West 56

Excerpts from Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents, Austin P. Flannery, ed. (Collegeville,

Confraternity of Christian Doctrine, Washington, D.C.; New Testament scriptural excerpts are from The New American

the copyright owner.

of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or otherwise, including

photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the

Table of Contents

A Pastoral Message: Economic Justice for All

Why We Write / vi

Principal Themes of the Pastoral Letter / vii

A Call to Conversion and Action / ix

Economic Justice for All

Chapter I: The Church and the Future of the U.S. Economy

/ 1

A. The U.S Economy Today: Memory and Hope

/ 2

B. Urgent Problems of Today / 3

C. The Need for Moral Vision / 5

Chapter II: The Christian Vision of Economic Life / 8

A. Biblical Perspectives / 8

B. Ethical Norms for Economic Life / 15

C. Working for Greater Justice: Persons and Institutions / 22

D. Christian Hope and the Courage To Act / 28

Chapter III: Selected Economic Policy Issues / 32

A. Employment / 33

B. Poverty / 39

C. Food and Agriculture / 48

D. The U.S. Economy and the Developing Nations: Complexity, Challenge and Choices / 54

E. Conclusion / 63

Chapter IV: A New American Experiment: Partnership for the Common Good / 72

A. Cooperation within Firms and Industries / 72

B. Local and Regional Cooperation

/ 74

C. Partnership in the Development of National Policies / 75

D. Cooperation at the International Level

/ 77

Chapter V: A Commitment to the Future

/ 81

A. The Christian Vocation in the World Today / 81

B. Challenges to the Church / 84

C. The Road Ahead

/ 88

D. Commitment to a Kingdom of Love and Justice

/ 89

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

A Pastoral Message

Economic Justice for All

Brothers and Sisters in Christ:

1. We are believers called to follow our Lord Jesus Christ and proclaim his Gospel in the midst

of a complex and powerful economy. This reality poses both opportunities and responsibilities for

Catholics in the United States. Our faith calls us to measure this economy not only by what it

produces, but also by how it touches human life and whether it protects or undermines the dignity of

the human person. Economic decisions have human consequences and moral content; they help or

hurt people, strengthen or weaken family life, advance or diminish the quality of justice in our land.

2. This is why we have written Economic Justice for All: A Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social

Teaching and the U.S. Economy. This letter is a personal invitation to Catholics to use the resources

of our faith, the strength of our economy, and the opportunities of our democracy to shape a society

that better protects the dignity and basic rights of our sisters and brothers, both in this land and

around the world.

3. The pastoral letter has been a work of careful inquiry, wide consultation, and prayerful

discernment. The letter has been greatly enriched by this process of listening and refinement. We

offer this introductory pastoral message to Catholics in the United States seeking to live their faith

in the marketplace—in homes, offices, factories, and schools; on farms and ranches; in board rooms

and union halls; in service agencies and legislative chambers. We seek to explain why we wrote the

pastoral letter, to introduce its major themes, and to share our hopes for the dialogue and action it

might generate.

Why We Write

4. We write to share our teaching, to raise questions, to challenge one another to live our faith

in the world. We write as heirs of the biblical prophets who summon us "to do the right and to love

goodness, and to walk humbly with your God" (Mi 6:8). We write as followers of Jesus who told us

in the Sermon on the Mount: "Blessed are the poor in spirit.... Blessed are the meek.... Blessed are

they who hunger and thirst for righteousness.... You are the salt of the earth.... You are the light of

the world" (Mt 5:1-6, 13-14). These words challenge us not only as believers, but also as

consumers, citizens, workers, and owners. In the parable of the Last Judgment, Jesus said, "For I

was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me drink.... As often as you did it for

one of my least brothers, you did it for me" (Mt 25:35-40). The challenge for us is to discover in our

own place and time what it means to be "poor in spirit" and "the salt of the earth" and what it means

to serve "the least among us" and to "hunger and thirst for righteousness."

5. Followers of Christ must avoid a tragic separation between faith and everyday life. They can

neither shirk their earthly duties nor, as the Second Vatican Council declared, "immerse

[them]selves in earthly activities as if these latter were utterly foreign to religion, and religion were

nothing more than the fulfillment of acts of worship and the observance of a few moral obligations"

(Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World, no. 43).

6. Economic life raises important social and moral questions for each of us and for society as a

whole. Like family life, economic life is one of the chief areas where we live out our faith, love our

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

neighbor, confront temptation, fulfill God's creative design, and achieve our holiness. Our economic

activity in factory, field, office, or shop feeds our families—or feeds our anxieties. It exercises our

talents—or wastes them. It raises our hopes—or crushes them. It brings us into cooperation with

others—or sets us at odds. The Second Vatican Council instructs us "to preach the message of

Christ in such a way that the light of the Gospel will shine on all activities of the faithful" (Pastoral

Constitution, no. 43). In this case, we are trying to look at economic life through the eyes of faith,

applying traditional church teaching to the U.S. economy.

7. In our letter, we write as pastors, not public officials. We speak as moral teachers, not

economic technicians. We seek not to make some political or ideological point but to lift up the

human and ethical dimensions of economic life, aspects too often neglected in public discussion.

We bring to this task a dual heritage of Catholic social teaching and traditional American values.

8. As Catholics, we are heirs of a long tradition of thought and action on the moral dimensions

of economic activity. The life and words of Jesus and the teaching of his Church call us to serve

those in need and to work actively for social and economic justice. As a community of believers, we

know that our faith is tested by the quality of justice among us, that we can best measure our life

together by how the poor and the vulnerable are treated. This is not a new concern for us. It is as old

as the Hebrew prophets, as compelling as the Sermon on the Mount, and as current as the powerful

voice of Pope John Paul II defending the dignity of the human person.

9. As Americans, we are grateful for the gift of freedom and committed to the dream of "liberty

and justice for all." This nation, blessed with extraordinary resources, has provided an

unprecedented standard of living for millions of people. We are proud of the strength, productivity,

and creativity of our economy, but we also remember those who have been left behind in our

progress. We believe that we honor our history best by working for the day when all our sisters and

brothers share adequately in the American dream.

10. As bishops, in proclaiming the Gospel for these times we also manage institutions, balance

budgets, and meet payrolls. In this we see the human face of our economy. We feel the hurts and

hopes of our people. We feel the pain of our sisters and brothers who are poor, unemployed,

homeless, living on the edge. The poor and vulnerable are on our doorsteps, in our parishes, in our

service agencies, and in our shelters. We see too much hunger and injustice, too much suffering and

despair, both in our own country and around the world.

11. As pastors, we also see the decency, generosity and vulnerability of our people. We see the

struggles of ordinary families to make ends meet and provide a better future for their children. We

know the desire of managers, professionals, and business people to shape what they do by what they

believe. It is the faith, good will, and generosity of our people that gives us hope as we write this

letter.

Principal Themes of the Pastoral Letter

12. The pastoral letter is not a blueprint for the American economy. It does not embrace any

particular theory of how the economy works nor does it attempt to resolve the disputes between

different schools of economic thought. Instead our letter turns to Scripture and to the social

teachings of the Church. There, we discover what our economic life must serve, what standards it

must meet. Let us examine some of these basic moral principles.

vii

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

13. Every economic decision and institution must be judged in light of whether it protects or

undermines the dignity of the human person. The pastoral letter begins with the human person. We

believe the person is sacred—the clearest reflection of God among us. Human dignity comes from

God, not from nationality, race, sex, economic status, or any human accomplishment. We judge any

economic system by what it does for and to people and by how it permits all to participate in it. The

economy should serve people, not the other way around.

14. Human dignity can be realized and protected only in community. In our teaching, the

human person is not only sacred but also social. How we organize our society—in economics and

politics, in law and policy—directly affects human dignity and the capacity of individuals to grow

in community. The obligation to "love our neighbor" has an individual dimension, but it also

requires a broader social commitment to the common good. We have many partial ways to measure

and debate the health of our economy: Gross National Product, per capita income, stock market

prices, and so forth. The Christian vision of economic life looks beyond them all and asks, Does

economic life enhance or threaten our life together as a community?

15. All people have a right to participate in the economic life of society. Basic justice demands

that people be assured a minimum level of participation in the economy. It is wrong for a person or

group to be excluded unfairly or to be unable to participate or contribute to the economy. For

example, people who are both able and willing, but cannot get a job are deprived of the participation

that is so vital to human development. For, it is through employment that most individuals and

families meet their material needs, exercise their talents, and have an opportunity to contribute to

the larger community. Such participation has special significance in our tradition because we

believe that it is a means by which we join in carrying forward God's creative activity.

16. All members of society have a special obligation to the poor and vulnerable. From the

Scriptures and church teaching we learn that the justice of a society is tested by the treatment of the

poor. The justice that was the sign of God's covenant with Israel was measured by how the poor and

unprotected—the widow, the orphan, and the stranger—were treated. The kingdom that Jesus

proclaimed in his word and ministry excludes no one. Throughout Israel's history and in early

Christianity, the poor are agents of God's transforming power. "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me,

therefore he has anointed me. He has sent me to bring glad tidings to the poor" (Lk 4:18). This was

Jesus' first public utterance. Jesus takes the side of those most in need. In the Last Judgment, so

dramatically described in St. Matthew's Gospel, we are told that we will be judged according to how

we respond to the hungry, the thirsty, the naked, the stranger. As followers of Christ, we are

challenged to make a fundamental "option for the poor"—to speak for the voiceless, to defend the

defenseless, to assess life styles, policies, and social institutions in terms of their impact on the poor.

This "option for the poor" does not mean pitting one group against another, but rather, strengthening

the whole community by assisting those who are most vulnerable. As Christians, we are called to

respond to the needs of all our brothers and sisters, but those with the greatest needs require the

greatest response.

17. Human rights are the minimum conditions for life in community. In Catholic teaching,

human rights include not only civil and political rights but also economic rights. As Pope John

XXIII declared, “all people have a right to life, food, clothing, shelter, rest, medical care, education,

and employment.” This means that when people are without a chance to earn a living, and must go

hungry and homeless, they are being denied basic rights. Society must ensure that these rights are

protected. In this way we will ensure that the minimum conditions of economic justice are met for

all our sisters and brothers.

viii

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

18. Society as a whole, acting through public and private institutions, has the moral

responsibility to enhance human dignity and protect human rights. In addition to the clear

responsibility of private institutions, government has an essential responsibility in this area. This

does not mean that government has the primary or exclusive role, but it does have a positive moral

responsibility in safeguarding human rights and ensuring that the minimum conditions of human

dignity are met for all. In a democracy, government is a means by which we can act together to

protect what is important to us and to promote our common values.

19. These six moral principles are not the only ones presented in the pastoral letter, but they

give an overview of the moral vision that we are trying to share. This vision of economic life cannot

exist in a vacuum; it must be translated into concrete measures. Our pastoral letter spells out some

specific applications of Catholic moral principles. We call for a new national commitment to full

employment. We say it is a social and moral scandal that one of every seven Americans is poor, and

we call for concerted efforts to eradicate poverty. The fulfillment of the basic needs of the poor is of

the highest priority. We urge that all economic policies be evaluated in light of their impact on the

life and stability of the family. We support measures to halt the loss of family farms and to resist the

growing concentration in the ownership of agricultural resources. We specify ways in which the

United States can do far more to relieve the plight of poor nations and assist in their development.

We also reaffirm church teaching on the rights of workers, collective bargaining, private property,

subsidiarity, and equal opportunity.

20. We believe that the recommendations in our letter are reasonable and balanced. In

analyzing the economy, we reject ideological extremes and start from the fact that ours is a "mixed"

economy, the product of a long history of reform and adjustment. We know that some of our

specific recommendations are controversial. As bishops, we do not claim to make these prudential

judgments with the same kind of authority that marks our declarations of principle. But we feel

obliged to teach by example how Christians can undertake concrete analysis and make specific

judgments on economic issues. The church's teachings cannot be left at the level of appealing

generalities.

21. In the pastoral letter we suggest that the time has come for a "New American

Experiment"—to implement economic rights, to broaden the sharing of economic power, and to

make economic decisions more accountable to the common good. This new experiment can create

new structures of economic partnership and participation within firms at the regional level, for the

whole nation, and across borders.

22. Of course, there are many aspects of the economy the letter does not touch, and there are

basic questions it leaves to further exploration. There are also many specific points on which men

and women of good will may disagree. We look for a fruitful exchange among differing viewpoints.

We pray only that all will take to heart the urgency of our concerns; that together we will test our

views by the Gospel and the Church's teaching; and that we will listen to other voices in a spirit of

mutual respect and open dialogue.

A Call to Conversion and Action

23. We should not be surprised if we find Catholic social teaching to be demanding. The

Gospel is demanding. We are always in need of conversion, of a change of heart. We are richly

blessed, and as St. Paul assures us, we are destined for glory. Yet it is also true that we are sinners;

that we are not always wise or loving or just; that, for all our amazing possibilities, we are

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

incompletely born, wary of life, and hemmed in by fears and empty routines. We are unable to

entrust ourselves fully to the living God, and so we seek substitute forms of security: in material

things, in power, in indifference, in popularity, in pleasure. The Scriptures warn us that these things

can become forms of idolatry. We know that, at times, in order to remain truly a community of

Jesus' disciples, we will have to say “no” to certain aspects in our culture, to certain trends and ways

of acting that are opposed to a life of faith, love, and justice. Changes in our hearts lead naturally to

a desire to change how we act. With what care, human kindness, and justice do I conduct myself at

work? How will my economic decisions to buy, sell, invest, divest, hire, or fire serve human dignity

and the common good? In what career can I best exercise my talents so as to fill the world with the

Spirit of Christ? How do my economic choices contribute to the strength of my family and

community, to the values of my children, to a sensitivity to those in need? In this consumer society,

how can I develop a healthy detachment from things and avoid the temptation to assess who I am by

what I have? How do I strike a balance between labor and leisure that enlarges my capacity for

friendships, for family life, for community? What government policies should I support to attain the

well-being of all, especially the poor and vulnerable?

24. The answers to such questions are not always clear—or easy to live out. But, conversion is

a lifelong process. And, it is not undertaken alone. It occurs with the support of the whole believing

community, through baptism, common prayer, and our daily efforts, large and small, on behalf of

justice. As a Church, we must be people after God's own heart, bonded by the Spirit, sustaining one

another in love, setting our hearts on God's kingdom, committing ourselves to solidarity with those

who suffer, working for peace and justice, acting as a sign of Christ's love and justice in the world.

The Church cannot redeem the world from the deadening effects of sin and injustice unless it is

working to remove sin and injustice in its own life and institutions. All of us must help the Church

to practice in its own life what it preaches to others about economic justice and cooperation.

25. The challenge of this pastoral letter is not merely to think differently, but also to act

differently. A renewal of economic life depends on the conscious choices and commitments of

individual believers who practice their faith in the world. The road to holiness for most of us lies in

our secular vocations. We need a spirituality which calls forth and supports lay initiative and

witness not just in our churches but also in business, in the labor movement, in the professions, in

education, and in public life. Our faith is not just a weekend obligation, a mystery to be celebrated

around the altar on Sunday. It is a pervasive reality to be practiced every day in homes, offices,

factories, schools, and businesses across our land. We cannot separate what we believe from how

we act in the marketplace and the broader community, for this is where we make our primary

contribution to the pursuit of economic justice.

26. We ask each of you to read the pastoral letter, to study it, to pray about it, and match it with

your own experience. We ask you to join with us in service to those in need. Let us reach out

personally to the hungry and the homeless, to the poor and the powerless, and to the troubled and

the vulnerable. In serving them, we serve Christ. Our service efforts cannot substitute for just and

compassionate public policies, but they can help us practice what we preach about human life and

human dignity.

27. The pursuit of economic justice takes believers into the public arena, testing the policies of

government by the principles of our teaching. We ask you to become more informed and active

citizens, using your voices and votes to speak for the voiceless, to defend the poor and the

vulnerable, and to advance the common good. We are called to shape a constituency of conscience,

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

measuring every policy by how it touches the least, the lost, and the left-out among us. This letter

calls us to conversion and common action, to new forms of stewardship, service, and citizenship.

28. The completion of a letter such as this is but the beginning of a long process of education,

discussion, and action. By faith and baptism, we are fashioned into new creatures, filled with the

Holy Spirit and with a love that compels us to seek out a new profound relationship with God, with

the human family, and with all created things. Jesus has entered our history as God's anointed son

who announces the coming of God's kingdom, a kingdom of justice and peace and freedom. And,

what Jesus proclaims, he embodies in his actions. His ministry reveals that the reign of God is

something more powerful than evil, injustice, and the hardness of hearts. Through his crucifixion

and resurrection, he reveals that God's love is ultimately victorious over all suffering, all horror, all

meaninglessness, and even over the mystery of death. Thus, we proclaim words of hope and

assurance to all who suffer and are in need.

29. We believe that the Christian view of life, including economic life, can transform the lives

of individuals, families, schools, and our whole culture. We believe that with your prayers,

reflection, service, and action, our economy can be shaped so that human dignity prospers and the

human person is served. This is the unfinished work of our nation. This is the challenge of our faith.

The Church And The Future Of The U.S. Economy

CHAPTER 1

THE CHURCH AND THE FUTURE OF THE U.S. ECONOMY

1. Every perspective on economic life that is human, moral, and Christian must be shaped by

three questions: What does the economy do for people? What does it do to people? And how do

people participate in it? The economy is a human reality: men and women working together to

develop and care for the whole of God's creation. All this work must serve the material and spiritual

well-being of people. It influences what people hope for themselves and their loved ones. It affects

the way they act together in society. It influences their very faith in God.(1)

2. The Second Vatican Council declared that "the joys and hopes, the griefs and anxieties of the

people of this age, especially those who are poor or in any way afflicted, these too are the joys and

hopes, the griefs and anxieties of the followers of Christ."(2) There are many signs of hope in U.S.

economic life today:

• Many fathers and mothers skillfully balance the arduous responsibilities of work and family

life. There are parents who pursue a purposeful and modest way of life and by their example

encourage their children to follow a similar path. A large number of women and men,

drawing on their religious tradition, recognize the challenging vocation of family life and

child rearing in a culture that emphasizes material display and self-gratification.

• Conscientious business people seek new and more equitable ways to organize resources and

the workplace. They face hard choices over expanding or retrenching, shifting investments,

hiring or firing.

• Young people choosing their life's work ask whether success and security are compatible

with service to others.

• Workers whose labor may be toilsome or repetitive try daily to ennoble their work with a

spirit of solidarity and friendship.

• New immigrants brave dislocations while hoping for the opportunities realized by the

millions who came before them.

3. These signs of hope are not the whole story. There have been failures—some of them

massive and ugly:

• Poor and homeless people sleep in community shelters and in our church basements; the

hungry line up in soup lines.

• Unemployment gnaws at the self-respect of both middle-aged persons who have lost jobs

and the young who cannot find them.

• Hard-working men and women wonder if the system of enterprise that helped them

yesterday might destroy their jobs and their communities tomorrow.

• Families confront major new challenges: dwindling social supports for family stability;

economic pressures that force both parents of young children to work outside the home; a

driven pace of life among the successful that can sap love and commitment; lack of hope

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

among those who have less or nothing at all. Very different kinds of families bear different

burdens of our economic system.

• Farmers face the loss of their land and way of life; young people find it difficult to choose

farming as a vocation; farming communities are threatened; migrant farm workers break

their backs in serf-like conditions for disgracefully low wages.

4. And beyond our own shores, the reality of 800 million people living in absolute poverty and

450 million malnourished or facing starvation casts an ominous shadow over all these hopes and

problems at home.

5. Anyone who sees all this will understand our concern as pastors and bishops. People shape

the economy and in turn are shaped by it. Economic arrangements can be sources of fulfillment, of

hope, of community—or of frustration, isolation, and even despair. They teach virtues—or vices—

and day by day help mold our characters. They affect the quality of people's lives; at the extreme

even determining whether people live or die. Serious economic choices go beyond purely technical

issues to fundamental questions of value and human purpose.(3) We believe that in facing these

questions the Christian religious and moral tradition can make an important contribution.

A. The U.S. Economy Today: Memory and Hope

6. The United States is among the most economically powerful nations on earth. In its short

history the U.S. economy has grown to provide an unprecedented standard of living for most of its

people. The nation has created productive work for millions of immigrants and enabled them to

broaden their freedoms, improve their families' quality of life, and contribute to the building of a

great nation. Those who came to this country from other lands often understood their new lives in

the light of biblical faith. They thought of themselves as entering a promised land of political

freedom and economic opportunity. The United States is a land of vast natural resources and fertile

soil. It has encouraged citizens to undertake bold ventures. Through hard work, self-sacrifice and

cooperation, families have flourished; towns, cities and a powerful nation have been created.

7. But we should recall this history with sober humility. The American experiment in social,

political, and economic life has involved serious conflict and suffering. Our nation was born in the

face of injustice to native Americans, and its independence was paid for with the blood of

revolution. Slavery stained the commercial life of the land through its first 250 years and was ended

only by a violent civil war. The establishment of women's suffrage, the protection of industrial

workers, the elimination of child labor, the response to the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the

civil rights movement of the 1960s all involved a sustained struggle to transform the political and

economic institutions of the nation.

8. The U.S. value system emphasizes economic freedom. It also recognizes that the market is

limited by fundamental human rights. Some things are never to be bought or sold.(4) This

conviction has prompted positive steps to modify the operation of the market when it harms

vulnerable members of society. Labor unions help workers resist exploitation. Through their

government, the people of the United States have provided support for education, access to food,

unemployment compensation, security in old age, and protection of the environment. The market

system contributes to the success of the U.S. economy, but so do many efforts to forge economic

institutions and public policies that enable all to share in the riches of the nation. The country's

The Church And The Future Of The U.S. Economy

economy has been built through a creative struggle; entrepreneurs, business people, workers,

unions, consumers, and government have all played essential roles.

9. The task of the United States today is as demanding as that faced by our forebears. Abraham

Lincoln's words at Gettysburg are a reminder that complacency today would be a betrayal of our

nation's history: "It is for us the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work they …

have thus far nobly advanced."(5) There is unfinished business in the American experiment in

freedom and justice for all.

B. Urgent Problems of Today

10. The pre-eminent role of the United States in an increasingly interdependent global economy

is a central sign of our times.(6) The United States is still the world's economic giant. Decisions

made here have immediate effects in other countries; decisions made abroad have immediate

consequences for steelworkers in Pittsburgh, oil company employees in Houston, and farmers in

Iowa. U.S. economic growth is vitally dependent on resources from other countries and on their

purchases of our goods and services. Many jobs in U.S. industry and agriculture depend on our

ability to export manufactured goods and food.

11. In some industries the mobility of capital and technology makes wages the main variable in

the cost of production. Overseas competitors with the same technology but with wage rates as low

as one-tenth of ours put enormous pressure on U.S. firms to cut wages, relocate abroad, or close.

U.S. workers and their communities should not be expected to bear these burdens alone.

12. All people on this globe share a common ecological environment that is under increasing

pressure. Depletion of soil, water, and other natural resources endangers the future. Pollution of air

and water threatens the delicate balance of the biosphere on which future generations will

depend.(7) The resources of the earth have been created by God for the benefit of all, and we who

are alive today hold them in trust. This is a challenge to develop a new ecological ethic which will

help shape a future that is both just and sustainable.

13. In short, nations separated by geography, culture, and ideology are linked in a complex

commercial, financial, technological, and environmental network. These links have two direct

consequences. First, they create hope for a new form of community among all peoples, one built on

dignity, solidarity, and justice. Second, this rising global awareness calls for greater attention to the

stark inequities across countries in the standards of living and control of resources. We must not

look at the welfare of U.S. citizens as the only good to be sought. Nor may we overlook the

disparities of power in the relationships between this nation and the developing countries. The

United States is the major supplier of food to other countries, a major source of arms sales to

developing nations and a powerful influence in multilateral institutions such as the International

Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the United Nations. What Americans see as a growing

interdependence is regarded by many in the less-developed countries as a pattern of domination and

dependence.

14. Within this larger international setting there are also a number of challenges to the domestic

economy that call for creativity and courage. The promise of the “American dream”—freedom for

all persons to develop their God-given talents to the full—remains unfulfilled for millions in the

United States today.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

15. Several areas of U.S. economic life demand special attention. Unemployment is the most

basic. Despite the large number of new jobs the U.S. economy has generated in the past decade,

approximately 8 million people seeking work in this country are unable to find it, and many more

are so discouraged they have stopped looking.(8) Over the past two decades the nation has come to

tolerate an increasing level of unemployment. The 6 to 7 percent rate deemed acceptable today

would have been intolerable twenty years ago. Among the unemployed are a disproportionate

number of blacks, Hispanics, young people, or women who are the sole support of their families.(9)

Some cities and states have many more unemployed persons than others as a result of economic

forces that have little to do with people's desire to work. Unemployment is a tragedy no matter

whom it strikes, but the tragedy is compounded by the unequal and unfair way it is distributed in

our society.

16. Harsh poverty plagues our country despite its great wealth. More than 33 million

Americans are poor; by any reasonable standard another 20 to 30 million are needy. Poverty is

increasing in the United States, not decreasing.(10) For a people who believe in "progress," this

should be cause for alarm. These burdens fall most heavily on blacks, Hispanics, and Native

Americans. Even more disturbing is the large increase in the number of women and children living

in poverty. Today children are the largest single group among the poor. This tragic fact seriously

threatens the nation's future. That so many people are poor in a nation as rich as ours is a social and

moral scandal that we cannot ignore.

17. Many working people and middle-class Americans live dangerously close to poverty. A

rising number of families must rely on the wages of two or even three members just to get by. From

1968 to 1978 nearly a quarter of the U.S. population was in poverty part of the time and received

welfare benefits in at least one year.(11) The loss of a job, illness, or the breakup of a marriage may

be all it takes to push people into poverty.

18. The lack of a mutually supportive relation between family life and economic life is one of

the most serious problems facing the United States today.(12) The economic and cultural strength of

the nation is directly linked to the stability and health of its families.(13) When families thrive,

spouses contribute to the common good through their work at home, in the community, and in their

jobs; and children develop a sense of their own worth and of their responsibility to serve others.

When families are weak or break down entirely, the dignity of parents and children is threatened.

High cultural and economic costs are inflicted on society at large.

19. The precarious economic situation of so many people and so many families calls for

examination of U.S. economic arrangements. Christian conviction and the American promise of

liberty and justice for all give the poor and the vulnerable a special claim on the nation's concern.

They also challenge all members of the Church to help build a more just society.

20. The investment of human creativity and material resources in the production of the

weapons of war makes these economic problems even more difficult to solve. Defense Department

expenditures in the United States are almost $300 billion per year. The rivalry and mutual fear

between superpowers divert into projects that threaten death, minds, and money that could better

human life. Developing countries engage in arms races they can ill afford, often with the

encouragement of the superpowers. Some of the poorest countries of the world use scarce resources

to buy planes, guns, and other weapons when they lack the food, education, and health care their

people need. Defense policies must be evaluated and assessed in light of their real contribution to

freedom, justice, and peace for the citizens of our own and other nations. We have developed a

perspective on these multiple moral concerns in our 1983 pastoral letter, The Challenge of Peace:

The Church And The Future Of The U.S. Economy

God's Promise and Our Response.(14) When weapons or strategies make questionable

contributions to security, peace, and justice and will also be very expensive, spending priorities

should be redirected to more pressing social needs.(15)

21. Many other social and economic challenges require careful analysis: the movement of many

industries from the Snowbelt to the Sunbelt, the federal deficit and interest rates, corporate mergers

and takeovers, the effects of new technologies such as robotics and information systems in U.S.

industry, immigration policy, growing international traffic in drugs, and the trade imbalance. All of

these issues do not provide a complete portrait of the economy. Rather they are symptoms of more

fundamental currents shaping U.S. economic life today: the struggle to find meaning and value in

human work, efforts to support individual freedom in the context of renewed social cooperation, the

urgent need to create equitable forms of global interdependence in a world now marked by extreme

inequality. These deeper currents are cultural and moral in content. They show that the long-range

challenges facing the nation call for sustained reflection on the values that guide economic choices

and are embodied in economic institutions. Such explicit reflection on the ethical content of

economic choices and policies must become an integral part of the way Christians relate religious

belief to the realities of everyday life. In this way, the "split between the faith which many profess

and their daily lives,"(16) which Vatican II counted among the more serious errors of the modern

age, will begin to be bridged.

C. The Need for Moral Vision

22. Sustaining a common culture and a common commitment to moral values is not easy in our

world. Modern economic life is based on a division of labor into specialized jobs and professions.

Since the industrial revolution people have had to define themselves and their work ever more

narrowly to find a niche in the economy. The benefits of this are evident in the satisfaction many

people derive from contributing their specialized skills to society. But the costs are social

fragmentation, a decline in seeing how one's work serves the whole community, and an increased

emphasis on personal goals and private interests.(17) This is vividly clear in discussions of

economic justice. Here it is often difficult to find a common ground among people with different

backgrounds and concerns. One of our chief hopes in writing this letter is to encourage and

contribute to the development of this common ground.(18)

23. Strengthening common moral vision is essential if the economy is to serve all people more

fairly. Many middle class Americans feel themselves in the grip of economic demands and cultural

pressures that go far beyond the individual family's capacity to cope. Without constructive guidance

in making decisions with serious moral implications, men and women who hold positions of

responsibility in corporations or government find their duties exacting a heavy price. We want these

reflections to help them contribute to a more just economy.

24. The quality of the national discussion about our economic future will affect the poor most

of all, in this country and throughout the world. The life and dignity of millions of men, women,

and children hang in the balance. Decisions must be judged in light of what they do for the poor,

what they do to the poor and what they enable the poor to do for themselves. The fundamental moral

criterion for all economic decisions, policies, and institutions is this: They must be at the service of

all people, especially the poor.

25. This letter is based on a long tradition of Catholic social thought, rooted in the Bible and

developed over the past century by the popes and the Second Vatican Council in response to

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

modern economic conditions. This tradition insists that human dignity, realized in community with

others and with the whole of God's creation, is the norm against which every social institution must

be measured.(19)

26. This teaching has a rich history. It is also dynamic and growing.(20) Pope Paul VI insisted

that all Christian communities have the responsibility "to analyze with objectivity the situation

which is proper to their own country, to shed on it the light of the Gospel's unalterable words and to

draw principles of reflection, norms of judgment, and directives for action from the social teaching

of the Church."(21) Therefore, we build on the past work of our own bishops' conference, including

the 1919 Program of Social Reconstruction and other pastoral letters.(22) In addition many people

from the Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish communities, in academic, business or political life, and

from many different economic backgrounds have also provided guidance. We want to make the

legacy of Christian social thought a living, growing resource that can inspire hope and help shape

the future.

27. We write, then, first of all to provide guidance for members of our own Church as they seek

to form their consciences about economic matters. No one may claim the name Christian and be

comfortable in the face of the hunger, homelessness, insecurity, and injustice found in this country

and the world. At the same time, we want to add our voice to the public debate about the directions

in which the U.S. economy should be moving. We seek the cooperation and support of those who

do not share our faith or tradition. The common bond of humanity that links all persons is the source

of our belief that the country can attain a renewed public moral vision. The questions are basic and

the answers are often elusive; they challenge us to serious and sustained attention to economic

justice.

The Church And The Future Of The U.S. Economy

FOOTNOTES

Chapter I

1 Vatican Council II, The Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World, 33. [Note: This pastoral letter

frequently refers to documents of the Second Vatican Council, papal encyclicals, and other official teachings of the

Catholic Church. Most of these texts have been published by the United States Catholic Conference; many are available

in collections, though no single collection is comprehensive. See selected bibliography.]

2 Pastoral Constitution, 1.

3 See ibid., 10, 42, 43; Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Instruction on Christian Freedom and

Liberation (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1986), 34-36.

4 See Pope John Paul II, On Human Work (1981), 14; and Pope Paul VI, Octogesima Adveniens (1971), 35. See

also Arthur Okun, Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1975) ch.

1; Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books, 1983), ch. 4; Jon

P. Gunnemann, "Capitalism and Commutative Justice," paper presented at the 1985 meeting of the Society of Christian

Ethics.

5 Abraham Lincoln, Address at Dedication of National Cemetery at Gettysburg, November 19, 1863.

6 Pope John XXIII, Peace on Earth (1963), 130-131.

7 Synod of Bishops, Justice in the World (1971), 8; Pope John Paul II, Redeemer of Man (1979), 15.

8 U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, The Employment Situation: August 1985 (September

1985); Table A-l.

9 Ibid.

10 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-60, 145, Money Income and Poverty Status of

Families and Persons in the United States: 1983 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1984), 20.

11 Greg H. Duncan, Years of Poverty, Years of Plenty: The Changing Economic Fortunes of American Workers

and Their Families (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1984).

12 See John Paul II, Familiaris Consortio (1981), 46.

13 Pastoral Constitution, 47.

14 National Conference of Catholic Bishops, The Challenge of Peace: God's Promise and Our Response

(Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1983).

15 Cardinal Joseph L. Bernardin and Cardinal John J. O'Connor, Testimony before the House Foreign Relations

Committee, June 26, 1984, Origins 14:10 (August 10, 1984): 157.

16 Pastoral Constitution, 43.

17 See, for example, Peter Berger, Brigitte Berger, and Hansfried Kellner, The Homeless Mind: Modernization

and Consciousness (New York: Vintage, 1974).

18 For a recent study of the importance and difficulty of achieving such a common language and vision see Robert

N. Bellah, Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Stephen M. Tipton, Habits of the Heart:

Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1985). See also

Martin E. Marty, The Public Church (New York: Crossroads, 1981).

19 Pope John XXIII, Mater et Magistra (1961), 219; Pastoral Constitution, 40.

20 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Instruction on Certain Aspects of the Theology of Liberation,

(Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1984); Pope Paul VI, Octogesima Adveniens (1971), 42.

21 Octogesima Adveniens, 4.

22 Administrative Committee of the National Catholic War Council, Program of Social Reconstruction, February

12, 1919. Other notable statements on the economy by our predecessors are The Present Crisis, April 25, 1933;

Statement on Church and Social Order, February 4, 1940; The Economy: Human Dimensions, November 20, 1975.

These and numerous other statements of the U.S. Catholic episcopate can be found in Hugh J. Nolan, ed., Pastoral

Letters of the U.S. Catholic Bishops, 4 vols. (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1984).

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

CHAPTER 2

THE CHRISTIAN VISION OF ECONOMIC LIFE

28. The basis for all that the Church believes about the moral dimensions of economic life is its

vision of the transcendent worth—the sacredness—of human beings. The dignity of the human

person, realized in community with others, is the criterion against which all aspects of economic life

must be measured.(1) All human beings, therefore, are ends to be served by the institutions that

make up the economy, not means to be exploited for more narrowly defined goals. Human

personhood must be respected with a reverence that is religious. When we deal with each other, we

should do so with the sense of awe that arises in the presence of something holy and sacred. For that

is what human beings are: we are created in the image of God (Gn 1:27). Similarly, all economic

institutions must support the bonds of community and solidarity that are essential to the dignity of

persons. Wherever our economic arrangements fail to conform to the demands of human dignity

lived in community, they must be questioned and transformed. These convictions have a biblical

basis. They are also supported by a long tradition of theological and philosophical reflection and

through the reasoned analysis of human experience by contemporary men and women.

29. In presenting the Christian moral vision, we turn first to the Scriptures for guidance.

Though our comments are necessarily selective, we hope that pastors and other church members

will become personally engaged with the biblical texts. The Scriptures contain many passages that

speak directly of economic life. We must also attend to the Bible's deeper vision of God, of the

purpose of creation, and of the dignity of human life in society. Along with other churches and

ecclesial communities who are "strengthened by the grace of baptism and the hearing of God's

Word," we strive to become faithful hearers and doers of the word.(2) We also claim the Hebrew

Scriptures as common heritage with our Jewish brothers and sisters, and we join with them in the

quest for an economic life worthy of the divine revelation we share.

A. Biblical Perspectives

30. The fundamental conviction of our faith is that human life is fulfilled in the knowledge and

love of the living God in communion with others. The Sacred Scriptures offer guidance so that men

and women may enter into full communion with God and with each other, and witness to God's

saving acts. We discover there a God who is creator of heaven and earth, and of the human family.

Though our first parents reject the God who created them, God does not abandon them, but from

Abraham and Sarah forms a people of promise. When this people is enslaved in an alien land, God

delivers them and makes a covenant with them in which they are summoned to be faithful to the

torah or sacred teaching. The focal points of Israel's faith—creation, covenant, and community—

provide a foundation for reflection on issues of economic and social justice.

1. Created in God's Image

31. After the exile, when Israel combined its traditions into a written torah, it prefaced its

history as a people with the story of the creation of all peoples and of the whole world by the same

God who created them as a nation (Gn 1-11). God is the creator of heaven and earth (Gn 14:19-22;

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

Is 40:28; 45:18); creation proclaims God's glory (Ps 89:6-12) and is "very good" (Gn 1:31). Fruitful

harvests, bountiful flocks, a loving family, are God's blessings on those who heed God's word. Such

is the joyful refrain that echoes throughout the Bible. One legacy of this theology of creation is the

conviction that no dimension of human life lies beyond God's care and concern. God is present to

creation, and creative engagement with God's handiwork is itself reverence for God.

32. At the summit of creation stands the creation of man and woman, made in God's image (Gn

1:26-27). As such every human being possesses an inalienable dignity that stamps human existence

prior to any division into races or nations and prior to human labor and human achievement (Gn 4-

11). Men and women are also to share in the creative activity of God. They are to be fruitful, to care

for the earth (Gn 2:15), and to have "dominion" over it (Gn 1:28), which means they are "to govern

the world in holiness and justice, and to render judgment in integrity of heart" (Wis 9:3). Creation is

a gift; women and men are to be faithful stewards in caring for the earth. They can justly consider

that by their labor they are unfolding the Creator's work.(3)

33. The narratives of Genesis 1-11 also portray the origin of the strife and suffering that mar the

world. Though created to enjoy intimacy with God and the fruits of the earth, Adam and Eve

disrupted God's design by trying to live independently of God through a denial of their status as

creatures. They turned away from God and gave to God's creation the obedience due to God alone.

For this reason the prime sin in so much of the biblical tradition is idolatry: service of the creature

rather than of the creator (Rom 1:25), and the attempt to overturn creation by making God in human

likeness. The Bible castigates not only the worship of idols, but also manifestations of idolatry, such

as the quest for unrestrained power and the desire for great wealth (Is 40:12-20; 44:1-20; Wis 13:1-

14:31; Col 3:5, "the greed that is idolatry"). The sin of our first parents had other consequences as

well. Alienation from God pits brother against brother (Gn 4:8-16) in a cycle of war and vengeance

(Gn 4:22-23). Sin and evil abound, and the primeval history culminates with another assault on the

heavens, this time ending in a babble of tongues scattered over the face of the earth (Gn 11:1-9). Sin

simultaneously alienates human beings from God and shatters the solidarity of the human

community. Yet this reign of sin is not the final word. The primeval history is followed by the call

of Abraham, a man of faith, who was to be the bearer of the promise to many nations (Gn 12:1-4).

Throughout the Bible we find this struggle between sin and repentance. God's judgment on evil is

followed by God's seeking out a sinful people.

34. The biblical vision of creation has provided one of the most enduring legacies of church

teaching. To stand before God as the Creator is to respect God's creation, both the world of nature

and of human history. From the patristic period to the present, the Church has affirmed that misuse

of the world's resources or appropriation of them by a minority of the world's population betrays

the gift of creation since "whatever belongs to God belongs to all."(4)

2. A People of the Covenant

35. When the people of Israel, our forerunners in faith, gathered in thanksgiving to renew their

covenant (Jos 24:1-15), they recalled the gracious deeds of God (Dt 6:20-25; 26:5-11). When they

lived as aliens in a strange land and experienced oppression and slavery, they cried out. The Lord,

the God of their ancestors, heard their cries, knew their afflictions, and came to deliver them (Ex

3:7-8). By leading them out of Egypt, God created a people that was to be the Lord's very own (Jer

24:7; Hos 2:25). They were to imitate God by treating the alien and the slave in their midst as God

had treated them (Ex 22:20-22; Jer 34:8-14).

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

36. In the midst of this saving history stands the covenant at Sinai (Ex 19-24). It begins with an

account of what God has done for the people (Ex 19:1-6; cf. Jos 24:1-13) and includes from God's

side a promise of steadfast love (hesed) and faithfulness ('emeth, Ex 34:5-7). The people are

summoned to ratify this covenant by faithfully worshiping God alone and by directing their lives

according to God's will, which was made explicit in Israel's great legal codes such as the Decalogue

(Ex 20:1-17) and the Book of the Covenant (Ex 20:22-23:33). Far from being an arbitrary

restriction on the life of the people, these codes made life in community possible.(5) The specific

laws of the covenant protect human life and property, demand respect for parents and the spouses

and children of one's neighbor, and manifest a special concern for the vulnerable members of the

community: widows, orphans, the poor, and strangers in the land. Laws such as that for the Sabbath

year when the land was left fallow (Ex 23:11; Lv 25:1-7) and for the year of release of debts (Dt

15:1-11) summoned people to respect the land as God's gift and reminded Israel that as a people

freed by God from bondage they were to be concerned for the poor and oppressed in their midst.

Every fiftieth year a jubilee was to be proclaimed as a year of "liberty throughout the land" and

property was to be restored to its original owners (Lv 25:8-17, cf. Is 61:1-2; Lk 4:18-19).(6) The

codes of Israel reflect the norms of the covenant: reciprocal responsibility, mercy, and truthfulness.

They embody a life in freedom from oppression: worship of the One God, rejection of idolatry,

mutual respect among people, care and protection for every member of the social body. Being free

and being a co-responsible community are God's intentions for us.

37. When the people turn away from the living God to serve idols and no longer heed the

commands of the covenant, God sends prophets to recall his saving deeds and to summon them to

return to the one who betrothed them "in right and in justice, in love and in mercy" (Hos 2:21). The

substance of prophetic faith is proclaimed by Micah: "to do justice, and to love kindness, and to

walk humbly with your God" (Mi 6:8, RSV). Biblical faith in general, and prophetic faith

especially, insist that fidelity to the covenant joins obedience to God with reverence and concern for

the neighbor. The biblical terms which best summarize this double dimension of Israel's faith are

sedaqah, justice (also translated as righteousness), and mishpat (right judgment or justice embodied

in a concrete act or deed). The biblical understanding of justice gives a fundamental perspective to

our reflections on social and economic justice.(7)

38. God is described as a "God of justice" (Is 30:18) who loves justice (Is 61:8; cf. Pss 11:7;

33:5; 37:28; 99:4) and delights in it (Jer 9:23). God demands justice from the whole people (Dt

16:20) and executes justice for the needy (Ps 140:13). Central to the biblical presentation of justice

is that the justice of a community is measured by its treatment of the powerless in society, most

often described as the widow, the orphan, the poor, and the stranger (non-Israelite) in the land. The

Law, the Prophets, and the Wisdom literature of the Old Testament all show deep concern for the

proper treatment of such people.(8) What these groups of people have in common is their

vulnerability and lack of power. They are often alone and have no protector or advocate. Therefore,

it is God who hears their cries (Pss 109:21; 113:7), and the king who is God's anointed is

commanded to have special concern for them.

39. Justice has many nuances.(9) Fundamentally it suggests a sense of what is right or of what

should happen. For example, paths are just when they bring you to your destination (Gn 24:48; Ps

23:3), and laws are just when they create harmony within the community, as Isaiah says: "Justice

will bring about peace; right will produce calm and security" (Is 32:17). God is "just" by acting as

God should, coming to the people's aid and summoning them to conversion when they stray. People

are summoned to be "just," that is, to be in a proper relation to God, by observing God's laws which

form them into a faithful community. Biblical justice is more comprehensive than subsequent

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

philosophical definitions. It is not concerned with a strict definition of rights and duties, but with the

rightness of the human condition before God and within society. Nor is justice opposed to love;

rather, it is both a manifestation of love and a condition for love to grow.(10) Because God loves

Israel, he rescues them from oppression and summons them to be a people that "does justice" and

loves kindness. The quest for justice arises from loving gratitude for the saving acts of God and

manifests itself in wholehearted love of God and neighbor.

40. These perspectives provide the foundation for a biblical vision of economic justice. Every

human person is created as an image of God, and the denial of dignity to a person is a blot on this

image. Creation is a gift to all men and women, not to be appropriated for the benefit of a few; its

beauty is an object of joy and reverence. The same God who came to the aid of an oppressed people

and formed them into a covenant community continues to hear the cries of the oppressed and to

create communities which are responsive to God's word. God's love and life are present when

people can live in a community of faith and hope. These cardinal points of the faith of Israel also

furnish the religious context for understanding the saving action of God in the life and teaching of

Jesus.

3. The Reign of God and Justice

41. Jesus enters human history as God's anointed son who announces the nearness of the reign

of God (Mk 1:9-14). This proclamation summons us to acknowledge God as creator and covenant

partner, and challenges us to seek ways in which God's revelation of the dignity and destiny of all

creation might become incarnate in history. It is not simply the promise of the future victory of God

over sin and evil, but that this victory has already begun—in the life and teaching of Jesus.

42. What Jesus proclaims by word, he enacts in his ministry. He resists temptations of power

and prestige, follows his Father's will, and teaches us to pray that it be accomplished on earth. He

warns against attempts to "lay up treasures on earth" (Mt 6:19) and exhorts his followers not to be

anxious about material goods but rather to seek first God's reign and God's justice (Mt 6:25-33). His

mighty works symbolize that the reign of God is more powerful than evil, sickness, and the

hardness of the human heart. He offers God's loving mercy to sinners (Mk 2:17), takes up the cause

of those who suffered religious and social discrimination (Lk 7:36-50; 15:1-2), and attacks the use

of religion to avoid the demands of charity and justice (Mk 7:9-13; Mt 23:23).

43. When asked what was the greatest commandment, Jesus quoted the age-old Jewish

affirmation of faith that God alone is One and to be loved with the whole heart, mind, and soul (Dt

6:4-5) and immediately adds: "You shall love your neighbor as yourself" (Lv 19:18; Mk 12:28-34).

This dual command of love that is at the basis of all Christian morality is illustrated in the Gospel of

Luke by the parable of a Samaritan who interrupts his journey to come to the aid of a dying man

(Lk 10:29-37). Unlike the other wayfarers who look on the man and pass by, the Samaritan "was

moved with compassion at the sight"; he stops, tends the wounded man and takes him to a place of

safety. In this parable compassion is the bridge between mere seeing and action; love is made real

through effective action.(11)

44. Near the end of his life, Jesus offers a vivid picture of the last judgment (Mt 25:31-46). All

the nations of the world will be assembled and will be divided into those blessed who are welcomed

into God's kingdom or those cursed who are sent to eternal punishment. The blessed are those who

fed the hungry, gave drink to the thirsty, welcomed the stranger, clothed the naked, and visited the

sick and imprisoned; the cursed are those who neglected these works of mercy and love. Neither the

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

blessed nor the cursed are astounded that they are judged by the Son of Man, nor that judgment is

rendered according to works of charity. The shock comes when they find that in neglecting the

poor, the outcast, and the oppressed, they were rejecting Jesus himself. Jesus who came as

“Emmanuel” (God with us, Mt 1:23) and who promises to be with his people until the end of the

age (Mt 28:20) is hidden in those most in need; to reject them is to reject God made manifest in

history.

4. Called to Be Disciples in Community

45. Jesus summoned his first followers to a change of heart and to take on the yoke of God's

reign (Mk 1:14-15; Mt 11:29). They are to be the nucleus of that community, which will continue

the work of proclaiming and building God's kingdom through the centuries. As Jesus called the first

disciples in the midst of their everyday occupations of fishing and tax collecting, so he again calls

people in every age in the home, in the workplace, and in the marketplace.

46. The Church is, as Pope John Paul II reminded us, "a community of disciples" in which "we

must see first and foremost Christ saying to each member of the community: follow me."(12) To be

a Christian is to join with others in responding to this personal call and in learning the meaning of

Christ's life. It is to be sustained by that loving intimacy with the Father that Jesus experienced in

his work, in his prayer, and in his suffering.

47. Discipleship involves imitating the pattern of Jesus' life by openness to God's will in the

service of others (Mk 10:42-45). Disciples are also called to follow him on the way of the cross, and

to heed his call that those who lose their lives for the sake of the Gospel will save them (Mk 8:34-

35). Jesus' death is an example of that greater love which lays down one's life for others (cf. Jn

15:12-18). It is a model for those who suffer persecution for the sake of justice (Mt 5:10). The death

of Jesus was not the end of his power and presence, for he was raised up by the power of God. Nor

did it mark the end of the disciples' union with him. After Jesus had appeared to them and when

they received the gift of the Spirit (Acts 2:1-12), they became apostles of the good news to the ends

of the earth. In the face of poverty and persecution they transformed human lives and formed

communities which became signs of the power and presence of God. Sharing in this same

resurrection faith, contemporary followers of Christ can face the struggles and challenges that await

those who bring the gospel vision to bear on our complex economic and social world.

5. Poverty, Riches, and the Challenge of Discipleship

48. The pattern of Christian life as presented in the Gospel of Luke has special relevance today.

In her Magnificat, Mary rejoices in a God who scatters the proud, brings down the mighty, and

raises up the poor and lowly (Lk 1:51-53). The first public utterance of Jesus is, "The Spirit of the

Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach the good news to the poor" (Lk 4:18; cf. Is

61:1-2). Jesus adds to the blessing on the poor a warning, "Woe to you who are rich, for you have

received your consolation" (Lk 6:24). He warns his followers against greed and reliance on

abundant possessions and underscores this by the parable of the man whose life is snatched away at

the very moment he tries to secure his wealth (Lk 12:13-21). In Luke alone, Jesus tells the parable

of the rich man who does not see the poor and suffering Lazarus at his gate (Lk 16:19-31). When

the rich man finally "sees" Lazarus, it is from the place of torment and the opportunity for

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

conversion has passed. Pope John Paul II has often recalled this parable to warn the prosperous not

to be blind to the great poverty that exists beside great wealth.(13)

49. Jesus, especially in Luke, lives as a poor man, like the prophets takes the side of the poor,

and warns of the dangers of wealth.(14) The terms used for poor, while primarily describing lack of

material goods, also suggest dependence and powerlessness. The poor are also an exiled and

oppressed people whom God will rescue (Is 51:21-23) as well as a faithful remnant who take refuge

in God (Zep. 3:12-13). Throughout the Bible, material poverty is a misfortune and a cause of

sadness. A constant biblical refrain is that the poor must be cared for and protected and that when

they are exploited, God hears their cries (Prv 22:22-23). Conversely, even though the goods of the

earth are to be enjoyed and people are to thank God for material blessings, wealth is a constant

danger. The rich are wise in their own eyes (Prv 28:11) and are prone to apostasy and idolatry (Am

5:4-13; Is. 2:6-8), as well as to violence and oppression (Jas 2:6-7).(15) Since they are neither

blinded by wealth nor make it into an idol, the poor can be open to God's presence; throughout

Israel's history and in early Christianity the poor are agents of God's transforming power.

50. The poor are often related to the lowly (Mt 5:3, 5) to whom God reveals what was hidden

from the wise (Mt 11:25-30). When Jesus calls the poor "blessed," he is not praising their condition

of poverty, but their openness to God. When he states that the reign of God is theirs, he voices

God's special concern for them, and promises that they are to be the beneficiaries of God's mercy

and justice. When he summons disciples to leave all and follow him, he is calling them to share his

own radical trust in the Father and his freedom from care and anxiety (cf. Mt 6:25-34). The practice

of evangelical poverty in the Church has always been a living witness to the power of that trust and

to the joy that comes with that freedom.

51. Early Christianity saw the poor as an object of God's special love, but it neither canonized

material poverty nor accepted deprivation as an inevitable fact of life. Though few early Christians

possessed wealth or power (1 Cor 1:26-28; Jas 2:5), their communities had well-off members (Acts

16:14; 18:8). Jesus' concern for the poor was continued in different forms in the early church. The

early community at Jerusalem distributed its possessions so that "there was no needy person among

them" and held "all things in common"—a phrase that suggests not only shared material

possessions, but more fundamentally, friendship and mutual concern among all its members (Acts

4:32-34; 2:44). While recognizing the dangers of wealth, the early church proposed the proper use

of possessions to alleviate need and suffering rather than universal dispossession. Beginning in the

first century and throughout history, Christian communities have developed varied structures to

support and sustain the weak and powerless in societies that were often brutally unconcerned about

human suffering.

52. Such perspectives provide a basis for what today is called the "preferential option for the

poor."(16) Though in the Gospels and in the New Testament as a whole the offer of salvation is

extended to all peoples, Jesus takes the side of those most in need, physically and spiritually. The

example of Jesus poses a number of challenges to the contemporary church. It imposes a prophetic

mandate to speak for those who have no one to speak for them, to be a defender of the defenseless,

who in biblical terms are the poor. It also demands a compassionate vision that enables the Church

to see things from the side of the poor and powerless and to assess lifestyle, policies, and social

institutions in terms of their impact on the poor. It summons the Church also to be an instrument in

assisting people to experience the liberating power of God in their own lives so that they may

respond to the Gospel in freedom and in dignity. Finally, and most radically, it calls for an emptying

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

of self, both individually and corporately, that allows the Church to experience the power of God in

the midst of poverty and powerlessness.

6. A Community of Hope

53. The biblical vision of creation, covenant, and community, as well as the summons to

discipleship, unfolds under the tension between promise and fulfillment. The whole Bible is

spanned by the narratives of the first creation (Gn 1-3) and the vision of a restored creation at the

end of history (Rv 21:1-4). Just as creation tells us that God's desire was one of wholeness and unity

between God and the human family and within this family itself, the images of a new creation give

hope that enmity and hatred will cease and justice and peace will reign (Is 11:6; 25:1-8). Human life

unfolds "between the times," the time of the first creation and that of a restored creation (Rom 8:18-

25). Although the ultimate realization of God's plan lies in the future, Christians in union with all

people of good will are summoned to shape history in the image of God's creative design and in

response to the reign of God proclaimed and embodied by Jesus.

54. A Christian is a member of a new community, "God's own people" (1 Pt 2:9-10), who, like

the people of Exodus, owes its existence to the gracious gift of God and is summoned to respond to

God's will made manifest in the life and teaching of Jesus. A Christian walks in the newness of life

(Rom 6:4) and is "a new creation; the old has passed away, the new has come" (2 Cor 5:17). This

new creation in Christ proclaims that God's creative love is constantly at work, offers sinners

forgiveness, and reconciles a broken world. Our action on behalf of justice in our world proceeds

from the conviction that, despite the power of injustice and violence, life has been fundamentally

changed by the entry of the Word made flesh into human history.

55. Christian communities that commit themselves to solidarity with those suffering and to

confrontation with those attitudes and ways of acting which institutionalize injustice, will

themselves experience the power and presence of Christ. They will embody in their lives the values

of the new creation while they labor under the old. The quest for economic and social justice will

always combine hope and realism, and must be renewed by every generation. It involves diagnosing

those situations that continue to alienate the world from God's creative love as well as presenting

hopeful alternatives that arise from living in a renewed creation. This quest arises from faith and is

sustained by hope as it seeks to speak to a broken world of God's justice and loving kindness.

7. A Living Tradition

56. Our reflection on U.S. economic life today must be rooted in this biblical vision of the

kingdom and discipleship, but it must also be shaped by the rich and complex tradition of Catholic

life and thought. Throughout its history, the Christian community has listened to the words of

Scripture and sought to enact them in the midst of daily life in very different historical and cultural

contexts.

57. In the first centuries, when Christians were a minority in a hostile society, they cared for

one another through generous almsgiving. In the patristic era, the church fathers repeatedly stressed

that the goods of the earth were created by God for the benefit of every person without exception,

and that all have special duties toward those in need. The monasteries of the Middle Ages were

centers of prayer, learning, and education. They contributed greatly to the cultural and economic life

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

of the towns and cities that sprang up around them. In the twelfth century the new mendicant orders

dedicated themselves to following Christ in poverty and to the proclamation of the good news to the

poor.

58. These same religious communities also nurtured some of the greatest theologians of the

Church's tradition, thinkers who synthesized the call of Christ with the philosophical learning of

Greek, Roman, Jewish, and Arab worlds. Thomas Aquinas and the other scholastics devoted

rigorous intellectual energy to clarifying the meaning of both personal virtue and justice in society.

In more recent centuries Christians began to build a large network of hospitals, orphanages, and

schools, to serve the poor and society at large. And beginning with Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum,

down to the writings and speeches of John Paul II, the popes have more systematically addressed

the rapid change of modern society in a series of social encyclicals. These teachings of modern

popes and of the Second Vatican Council are especially significant for efforts to respond to the

problems facing society today.(17)

59. We also have much to learn from the strong emphasis in Protestant traditions on the

vocation of lay people in the world and from ecumenical efforts to develop an economic ethic that

addresses newly emergent problems. And in a special way our fellow Catholics in developing

countries have much to teach us about the Christian response to an ever more interdependent world.

60. Christians today are called by God to carry on this tradition through active love of neighbor,

a love that responds to the special challenges of this moment in human history. The world is

wounded by sin and injustice, in need of conversion and of the transformation that comes when

persons enter more deeply into the mystery of the death and Resurrection of Christ. The concerns of

this pastoral letter are not at all peripheral to the central mystery at the heart of the Church.(18)

They are integral to the proclamation of the Gospel and part of the vocation of every Christian

today.(19)

B. Ethical Norms for Economic Life

61. These biblical and theological themes shape the overall Christian perspective on economic

ethics. This perspective is also subscribed to by many who do not share Christian religious

convictions. Human understanding and religious belief are complementary, not contradictory. For

human beings are created in God's image, and their dignity is manifest in the ability to reason and

understand, in their freedom to shape their own lives and the life of their communities, and in the

capacity for love and friendship. In proposing ethical norms, therefore, we appeal both to Christians

and to all in our pluralist society to show that respect and reverence owed to the dignity of every

person. Intelligent reflection on the social and economic realities of today is also indispensable in

the effort to respond to economic circumstances never envisioned in biblical times. Therefore, we

now want to propose an ethical framework that can guide economic life today in ways that are both

faithful to the Gospel and shaped by human experience and reason.

62. First we outline the duties all people have to each other and to the whole community: love

of neighbor, the basic requirements of justice and the special obligation to those who are poor or

vulnerable. Corresponding to these duties are the human rights of every person; the obligation to

protect the dignity of all demands respect for these rights. Finally these duties and rights entail

several priorities that should guide the economic choices of individuals, communities, and the

nation as a whole.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

1. The Responsibilities of Social Living

63. Human life is life in community. Catholic social teaching proposes several complementary

perspectives that show how moral responsibilities and duties in the economic sphere are rooted in

this call to community.

a. Love and Solidarity

64. The commandments to love God with all one's heart and to love one's neighbor as oneself

are the heart and soul of Christian morality. Jesus offers himself as the model of this all-inclusive

love: ". . . love one another as I have loved you" (Jn 15:12). These commands point out the path

toward true human fulfillment and happiness. They are not arbitrary restrictions on human freedom.

Only active love of God and neighbor makes the fullness of community happen. Christians look

forward in hope to a true communion among all persons with each other and with God. The Spirit of

Christ labors in history to build up the bonds of solidarity among all persons until that day on which

their union is brought to perfection in the Kingdom of God.(20) Indeed Christian theological

reflection on the very reality of God as a trinitarian unity of persons—Father, Son, and Holy

Spirit—shows that being a person means being united to other persons in mutual love.(21)

65. What the Bible and Christian tradition teach, human wisdom confirms. Centuries before

Christ, the Greeks and Romans spoke of the human person as a "social animal" made for friendship,

community, and public life. These insights show that human beings achieve self-realization not in

isolation, but in interaction with others.(22)

66. The virtues of citizenship are an expression of Christian love more crucial in today's

interdependent world than ever before. These virtues grow out of a lively sense of one's dependence

on the commonweal and obligations to it. This civic commitment must also guide the economic

institutions of society. In the absence of a vital sense of citizenship among the businesses,

corporations, labor unions, and other groups that shape economic life, society as a whole is

endangered. Solidarity is another name for this social friendship and civic commitment that make

human moral and economic life possible.

67. The Christian tradition recognizes, of course, that the fullness of love and community will

be achieved only when God's work in Christ comes to completion in the kingdom of God. This

kingdom has been inaugurated among us, but God's redeeming and transforming work is not yet

complete. Within history, knowledge of how to achieve the goal of social unity is limited. Human

sin continues to wound the lives of both individuals and larger social bodies and places obstacles in

the path toward greater social solidarity. If efforts to protect human dignity are to be effective, they

must take these limits on knowledge and love into account. Nevertheless, sober realism should not

be confused with resigned or cynical pessimism. It is a challenge to develop a courageous hope that

can sustain efforts that will sometimes be arduous and protracted.

b. Justice and Participation

68. Biblical justice is the goal we strive for. This rich biblical understanding portrays a just

society as one marked by the fullness of love, compassion, holiness, and peace. On their path

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through history, however, sinful human beings need more specific guidance on how to move toward

the realization of this great vision of God's Kingdom. This guidance is contained in the norms of

basic or minimal justice. These norms state the minimum levels of mutual care and respect that all

persons owe to each other in an imperfect world.(23) Catholic social teaching, like much

philosophical reflection, distinguishes three dimensions of basic justice: commutative justice,

distributive justice, and social justice.(24)

69. Commutative justice calls for fundamental fairness in all agreements and exchanges

between individuals or private social groups. It demands respect for the equal human dignity of all

persons in economic transactions, contracts, or promises. For example, workers owe their

employers diligent work in exchange for their wages. Employers are obligated to treat their

employees as persons, paying them fair wages in exchange for the work done and establishing

conditions and patterns of work that are truly human.(25)

70. Distributive justice requires that the allocation of income, wealth, and power in society be

evaluated in light of its effects on persons whose basic material needs are unmet. The Second

Vatican Council stated: "The right to have a share of earthly goods sufficient for oneself and one's

family belongs to everyone. The fathers and doctors of the Church held this view, teaching that we

are obliged to come to the relief of the poor and to do so not merely out of our superfluous

goods."(26) Minimum material resources are an absolute necessity for human life. If persons are to

be recognized as members of the human community, then the community has an obligation to help

fulfill these basic needs unless an absolute scarcity of resources makes this strictly impossible. No

such scarcity exists in the United States today.

71. Justice also has implications for the way the larger social, economic, and political

institutions of society are organized. Social justice implies that persons have an obligation to be

active and productive participants in the life of society and that society has a duty to enable them to

participate in this way. This form of justice can also be called "contributive," for it stresses the duty

of all who are able to help create the goods, services, and other nonmaterial or spiritual values

necessary for the welfare of the whole community. In the words of Pius XI, "It is of the very

essence of social justice to demand from each individual all that is necessary for the common

good."(27) Productivity is essential if the community is to have the resources to serve the well-

being of all. Productivity, however, cannot be measured solely by its output in goods and services.

Patterns of production must also be measured in light of their impact on the fulfillment of basic

needs, employment levels, patterns of discrimination, environmental quality, and sense of

community.

72. The meaning of social justice also includes a duty to organize economic and social

institutions so that people can contribute to society in ways that respect their freedom and the

dignity of their labor. Work should enable the working person to become "more a human being,"

more capable of acting intelligently, freely, and in ways that lead to self-realization.(28)

73. Economic conditions that leave large numbers of able people unemployed, underemployed,

or employed in dehumanizing conditions fail to meet the converging demands of these three forms

of basic justice. Work with adequate pay for all who seek it is the primary means for achieving

basic justice in our society. Discrimination in job opportunities or income levels on the basis of

race, sex, or other arbitrary standards can never be justified.(29) It is a scandal that such

discrimination continues in the United States today. Where the effects of past discrimination persist,

society has the obligation to take positive steps to overcome the legacy of injustice. Judiciously

administered affirmative action programs in education and employment can be important

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

expressions of the drive for solidarity and participation that is at the heart of true justice. Social

harm calls for social relief.

74. Basic justice also calls for the establishment of a floor of material well-being on which all

can stand. This is a duty of the whole of society and it creates particular obligations for those with

greater resources. This duty calls into question extreme inequalities of income and consumption

when so many lack basic necessities. Catholic social teaching does not maintain that a flat,

arithmetical equality of income and wealth is a demand of justice, but it does challenge economic

arrangements that leave large numbers of people impoverished. Further, it sees extreme inequality

as a threat to the solidarity of the human community, for great disparities lead to deep social

divisions and conflict.(30)

75. This means that all of us must examine our way of living in light of the needs of the poor.

Christian faith and the norms of justice impose distinct limits on what we consume and how we

view material goods. The great wealth of the United States can easily blind us to the poverty that

exists in this nation and the destitution of hundreds of millions of people in other parts of the world.

Americans are challenged today as never before to develop the inner freedom to resist the

temptation constantly to seek more. Only in this way will the nation avoid what Paul VI called "the

most evident form of moral underdevelopment," namely greed.(31)

76. These duties call not only for individual charitable giving but also for a more systematic

approach by businesses, labor unions, and the many other groups that shape economic life—as well

as government. The concentration of privilege that exists today results far more from institutional

relationships that distribute power and wealth inequitably than from differences in talent or lack of

desire to work. These institutional patterns must be examined and revised if we are to meet the

demands of basic justice. For example, a system of taxation based on assessment according to

ability to pay(32) is a prime necessity for the fulfillment of these social obligations.

c. Overcoming Marginalization and Powerlessness

77. These fundamental duties can be summarized this way: Basic justice demands the

establishment of minimum levels of participation in the life of the human community for all persons.

The ultimate injustice is for a person or group to be treated actively or abandoned passively as if

they were nonmembers of the human race. To treat people this way is effectively to say that they

simply do not count as human beings. This can take many forms, all of which can be described as

varieties of marginalization, or exclusion from social life.(33) This exclusion can occur in the

political sphere: restriction of free speech, concentration of power in the hands of a few, or outright

repression by the state. It can also take economic forms that are equally harmful. Within the United

States, individuals, families, and local communities fall victim to a downward cycle of poverty

generated by economic forces they are powerless to influence. The poor, the disabled, and the

unemployed too often are simply left behind. This pattern is even more severe beyond our borders

in the least-developed countries. Whole nations are prevented from fully participating in the

international economic order because they lack the power to change their disadvantaged position.

Many people within the less developed countries are excluded from sharing in the meager resources

available in their homelands by unjust elites and unjust governments. These patterns of exclusion

are created by free human beings. In this sense they can be called forms of social sin.(34)

Acquiescence in them or failure to correct them when it is possible to do so is a sinful dereliction of

Christian duty.

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78. Recent Catholic social thought regards the task of overcoming these patterns of exclusion

and powerlessness as a most basic demand of justice. Stated positively, justice demands that social

institutions be ordered in a way that guarantees all persons the ability to participate actively in the

economic, political, and cultural life of society.(35) The level of participation may legitimately be

greater for some persons than for others, but there is a basic level of access that must be made

available for all. Such participation is an essential expression of the social nature of human beings

and of their communitarian vocation.

2. Human Rights: The Minimum Conditions for Life in Community

79. Catholic social teaching spells out the basic demands of justice in greater detail in the

human rights of every person. These fundamental rights are prerequisites for a dignified life in

community. The Bible vigorously affirms the sacredness of every person as a creature formed in the

image and likeness of God. The biblical emphasis on covenant and community also shows that

human dignity can only be realized and protected in solidarity with others. In Catholic social

thought, therefore, respect for human rights and a strong sense of both personal and community

responsibility are linked, not opposed. Vatican II described the common good as "the sum of those

conditions of social life which allow social groups and their individual members relatively thorough

and ready access to their own fulfillment."(36) These conditions include the rights to fulfillment of

material needs, a guarantee of fundamental freedoms, and the protection of relationships that are

essential to participation in the life of society.(37) These rights are bestowed on human beings by

God and grounded in the nature and dignity of human persons. They are not created by society.

Indeed society has a duty to secure and protect them.(38)

80. The full range of human rights has been systematically outlined by John XXIII in his

encyclical Peace on Earth. His discussion echoes the United Nations Universal Declaration on

Human Rights and implies that internationally accepted human rights standards are strongly

supported by Catholic teaching. These rights include the civil and political rights to freedom of

speech, worship, and assembly. A number of human rights also concern human welfare and are of a

specifically economic nature. First among these are the rights to life, food, clothing, shelter, rest,

medical care, and basic education. These are indispensable to the protection of human dignity. In

order to ensure these necessities, all persons have a right to earn a living, which for most people in

our economy is through remunerative employment. All persons also have a right to security in the

event of sickness, unemployment, and old age. Participation in the life of the community calls for

the protection of this same right to employment, as well as the right to healthful working conditions,

to wages, and other benefits sufficient to provide individuals and their families with a standard of

living in keeping with human dignity, and to the possibility of property ownership.(39) These

fundamental personal rights—civil and political as well as social and economic—state the minimum

conditions for social institutions that respect human dignity, social solidarity, and justice. They are

all essential to human dignity and to the integral development of both individuals and society, and

are thus moral issues.(40) Any denial of these rights harms persons and wounds the human

community. Their serious and sustained denial violates individuals and destroys solidarity among

persons.

81. Social and economic rights call for a mode of implementation different from that required

to secure civil and political rights. Freedom of worship and of speech imply immunity from

interference on the part of both other persons and the government. The rights to education,

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

employment, and social security, for example, are empowerments that call for positive action by

individuals and society at large.

82. However, both kinds of rights call for positive action to create social and political

institutions that enable all persons to become active members of society. Civil and political rights

allow persons to participate freely in the public life of the community, for example, through free

speech, assembly, and the vote. In democratic countries these rights have been secured through a

long and vigorous history of creating the institutions of constitutional government. In seeking to

secure the full range of social and economic rights today, a similar effort to shape new economic

arrangements will be necessary.

83. The first step in such an effort is the development of a new cultural consensus that the basic

economic conditions of human welfare are essential to human dignity and are due persons by right.

Second, the securing of these rights will make demands on all members of society, on all private

sector institutions, and on government. A concerted effort on all levels in our society is needed to

meet these basic demands of justice and solidarity. Indeed political democracy and a commitment to

secure economic rights are mutually reinforcing.

84. Securing economic rights for all will be an arduous task. There are a number of precedents

in U.S. history, however, which show that the work has already begun.(41) The country needs a

serious dialogue about the appropriate levels of private and public sector involvement that are

needed to move forward. There is certainly room for diversity of opinion in the Church and in U.S.

society on how to protect the human dignity and economic rights of all our brothers and sisters.(42)

In our view, however, there can be no legitimate disagreement on the basic moral objectives.

3. Moral Priorities for the Nation

85. The common good demands justice for all, the protection of the human rights of all.(43)

Making cultural and economic institutions more supportive of the freedom, power, and security of

individuals and families must be a central, long-range objective for the nation. Every person has a

duty to contribute to building up the commonweal. All have a responsibility to develop their talents

through education. Adults must contribute to society through their individual vocations and talents.

Parents are called to guide their children to the maturity of Christian adulthood and responsible

citizenship. Everyone has special duties toward the poor and the marginalized. Living up to these

responsibilities, however, is often made difficult by the social and economic patterns of society.

Schools and educational policies both public and private often serve the privileged exceedingly

well, while the children of the poor are effectively abandoned as second-class citizens. Great

stresses are created in family life by the way work is organized and scheduled, and by the social and

cultural values communicated on television. Many in the lower middle class are barely getting by

and fear becoming victims of economic forces over which they have no control.

86. The obligation to provide justice for all means that the poor have the single most urgent

economic claim on the conscience of the nation. Poverty can take many forms, spiritual as well as

material. All people face struggles of the spirit as they ask deep questions about their purpose in

life. Many have serious problems in marriage and family life at some time in their lives, and all of

us face the certain reality of sickness and death. The Gospel of Christ proclaims that God's love is

stronger than all these forms of diminishment. Material deprivation, however, seriously compounds

such sufferings of the spirit and heart. To see a loved one sick is bad enough, but to have no

possibility of obtaining health care is worse. To face family problems, such as the death of a spouse

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

or a divorce, can be devastating, but to have these lead to the loss of one's home and end with living

on the streets is something no one should have to endure in a country as rich as ours. In developing

countries these human problems are even more greatly intensified by extreme material deprivation.

This form of human suffering can be reduced if our own country, so rich in resources, chooses to

increase its assistance.

87. As individuals and as a nation, therefore, we are called to make a fundamental "option for

the poor."(44) The obligation to evaluate social and economic activity from the viewpoint of the

poor and the powerless arises from the radical command to love one's neighbor as one’s self. Those

who are marginalized and whose rights are denied have privileged claims if society is to provide

justice for all. This obligation is deeply rooted in Christian belief. As Paul VI stated:

In teaching us charity, the Gospel instructs us in the preferential respect due the poor and the special

situation they have in society: the more fortunate should renounce some of their rights so as to place

their goods more generously at the service of others. (45)

John Paul II has described this special obligation to the poor as "a call to have a special openness

with the small and the weak, those that suffer and weep, those that are humiliated and left on the

margin of society, so as to help them win their dignity as human persons and children of God."(46)

88. The prime purpose of this special commitment to the poor is to enable them to become

active participants in the life of society. It is to enable all persons to share in and contribute to the

common good.(47) The "option for the poor," therefore, is not an adversarial slogan that pits one

group or class against another. Rather it states that the deprivation and powerlessness of the poor

wounds the whole community. The extent of their suffering is a measure of how far we are from

being a true community of persons. These wounds will be healed only by greater solidarity with the

poor and among the poor themselves.

89. In summary, the norms of love, basic justice and human rights imply that personal

decisions, social policies, and economic institutions should be governed by several key priorities.

These priorities do not specify everything that must be considered in economic decision making.

They do indicate the most fundamental and urgent objectives.

90. a. The fulfillment of the basic needs of the poor is of the highest priority. Personal decisions,

policies of private and public bodies, and power relationships must all be evaluated by their effects

on those who lack the minimum necessities of nutrition, housing, education, and health care. In

particular, this principle recognizes that meeting fundamental human needs must come before the

fulfillment of desires for luxury consumer goods, for profits not conducive to the common good,

and for unnecessary military hardware.

91. b. Increasing active participation in economic life by those who are presently excluded or

vulnerable is a high social priority. The human dignity of all is realized when people gain the

power to work together to improve their lives, strengthen their families, and contribute to society.

Basic justice calls for more than providing help to the poor and other vulnerable members of

society. It recognizes the priority of policies and programs that support family life and enhance

economic participation through employment and widespread ownership of property. It challenges

privileged economic power in favor of the well-being of all. It points to the need to improve the

present situation of those unjustly discriminated against in the past. And it has very important

implications for both the domestic and the international distribution of power.

92. c. The investment of wealth, talent and human energy should be specially directed to benefit

those who are poor or economically insecure. Achieving a more just economy in the United States

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

and the world depends in part on increasing economic resources and productivity. In addition, the

ways these resources are invested and managed must be scrutinized in light of their effects on non-

monetary values. Investment and management decisions have crucial moral dimensions: they create

jobs or eliminate them; they can push vulnerable families over the edge into poverty or give them

new hope for the future; they help or hinder the building of a more equitable society. Indeed they

can have either positive or negative influence on the fairness of the global economy. Therefore, this

priority presents a strong moral challenge to policies that put large amounts of talent and capital into

the production of luxury consumer goods and military technology while failing to invest sufficiently

in education, health, the basic infrastructure of our society, and economic sectors that produce

urgently needed jobs, goods, and services.

93. d. Economic and social policies as well as the organization of the work world should be

continually evaluated in light of their impact on the strength and stability of family life. The long-

range future of this nation is intimately linked with the well-being of families, for the family is the

most basic form of human community.(48) Efficiency and competition in the marketplace must be

moderated by greater concern for the way work schedules and compensation support or threaten the

bonds between spouses and between parents and children. Health, education, and social service

programs should be scrutinized in light of how well they ensure both individual dignity and family

integrity.

94. These priorities are not policies. They are norms that should guide the economic choices of

all and shape economic institutions. They can help the United States move forward to fulfill the

duties of justice and protect economic rights. They were strongly affirmed as implications of

Catholic social teaching by Pope John Paul II during his visit to Canada in 1984: 'The needs of the

poor take priority over the desires of the rich; the rights of workers over the maximization of profits;

the preservation of the environment over uncontrolled industrial expansion; production to meet

social needs over production for military purposes."(49) There will undoubtedly be disputes about

the concrete applications of these priorities in our complex world. We do not seek to foreclose

discussion about them. However, we believe that an effort to move in the direction they indicate is

urgently needed.

95. The economic challenge of today has many parallels with the political challenge that

confronted the founders of our nation. In order to create a new form of political democracy they

were compelled to develop ways of thinking and political institutions that had never existed before.

Their efforts were arduous and their goals imperfectly realized, but they launched an experiment in

the protection of civil and political rights that has prospered through the efforts of those who came

after them. We believe the time has come for a similar experiment in securing economic rights: the

creation of an order that guarantees the minimum conditions of human dignity in the economic

sphere for every person. By drawing on the resources of the Catholic moral-religious tradition, we

hope to make a contribution through this letter to such a new "American experiment": a new venture

to secure economic justice for all.

C. Working for Greater Justice: Persons and Institutions

96. The economy of this nation has been built by the labor of human hands and minds. Its

future will be forged by the ways persons direct all this work toward greater justice. The economy is

not a machine that operates according to its own inexorable laws, and persons are not mere objects

tossed about by economic forces. Pope John Paul II has stated that "human work is a key, probably

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

the essential key, to the whole social question."(50) The Pope's understanding of work includes

virtually all forms of productive human activity: agriculture, entrepreneurship, industry, the care of

children, the sustaining of family life, politics, medical care, and scientific research. Leisure, prayer,

celebration, and the arts are also central to the realization of human dignity and to the development

of a rich cultural life. It is in their daily work, however, that persons become the subjects and

creators of the economic life of the nation.(51) Thus, it is primarily through their daily labor that

people make their most important contributions to economic justice.

97. All work has a threefold moral significance. First, it is a principal way that people exercise

the distinctive human capacity for self-expression and self-realization. Second, it is the ordinary

way for human beings to fulfill their material needs. Finally, work enables people to contribute to

the well-being of the larger community. Work is not only for oneself. It is for one's family, for the

nation, and indeed for the benefit of the entire human family.(52)

98. These three moral concerns should be visible in the work of all, no matter what their role in

the economy: blue collar workers, managers, home-makers, politicians, and others. They should

also govern the activities of the many different, overlapping communities and institutions that make

up society: families, neighborhoods, small businesses, giant corporations, trade unions, the various

levels of government, international organizations, and a host of other human associations including

communities of faith.

99. Catholic social teaching calls for respect for the full richness of social life. The need for

vital contributions from different human associations—ranging in size from the family to

government—has been classically expressed in Catholic social teaching in the "principle of

subsidiarity":

Just as it is gravely wrong to take from individuals what they can accomplish by their own initiative and

industry and give it to the community, so also it is an injustice and at the same time a grave evil and

disturbance of right order to assign to a greater and higher association what lesser and subordinate

organizations can do. For every social activity ought of its very nature to furnish help (subsidium) to the

members of the body social, and never destroy and absorb them.(53)

100. This principle guarantees institutional pluralism. It provides space for freedom, initiative,

and creativity on the part of many social agents. At the same time, it insists that all these agents

should work in ways that help build up the social body. Therefore, in all their activities these groups

should be working in ways that express their distinctive capacities for action, that help meet human

needs, and that make true contributions to the common good of the human community. The task of

creating a more just U.S. economy is the vocation of all and depends on strengthening the virtues of

public service and responsible citizenship in personal life and on all levels of institutional life.(54)

101. Without attempting to describe the tasks of all the different groups that make up society,

we want to point to the specific rights and duties of some of the persons and institutions whose

work for justice will be particularly important to the future of the U.S. economy. These rights and

duties are among the concrete implications of the principle of subsidiarity. Further implications will

be discussed in Chapter IV of this letter.

1. Working People and Labor Unions

102. Though John Paul II’s understanding of work is a very inclusive one, it fully applies to

those customarily called "workers" or "labor" in the United States. Labor has great dignity, so great

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

that all who are able to work are obligated to do so. The duty to work derives both from God's

command and from a responsibility to one's own humanity and to the common good.(55) The virtue

of industriousness is also an expression of a person's dignity and solidarity with others. All working

people are called to contribute to the common good by seeking excellence in production and

service.

103. Because work is this important, people have a right to employment. In return for their

labor, workers have a right to wages and other benefits sufficient to sustain life in dignity. As Pope

Leo XIII stated, every working person has "the right of securing things to sustain life."(56) The way

power is distributed in a free-market economy frequently gives employers greater bargaining power

than employees in the negotiation of labor contracts. Such unequal power may press workers into a

choice between an inadequate wage and no wage at all. But justice, not charity, demands certain

minimum guarantees. The provision of wages and other benefits sufficient to support a family in

dignity is a basic necessity to prevent this exploitation of workers. The dignity of workers also

requires adequate health care, security for old age or disability, unemployment compensation,

healthful working conditions, weekly rest, periodic holidays for recreation and leisure, and

reasonable security against arbitrary dismissal.(57) These provisions are all essential if workers are

to be treated as persons rather than simply as a "factor of production."

104. The Church fully supports the right of workers to form unions or other associations to

secure their rights to fair wages and working conditions. This is a specific application of the more

general right to associate. In the words of Pope John Paul II, "The experience of history teaches that

organizations of this type are an indispensable element of social life, especially in modern

industrialized societies."(58) Unions may also legitimately resort to strikes where this is the only

available means to the justice owed to workers.(59) No one may deny the right to organize without

attacking human dignity itself. Therefore, we firmly oppose organized efforts, such as those

regrettably now seen in this country, to break existing unions and prevent workers from organizing.

Migrant agricultural workers today are particularly in need of protection, including the right to

organize and bargain collectively. U.S. labor law reform is needed to meet these problems as well as

to provide more timely and effective remedies for unfair labor practices.

105. Denial of the right to organize has been pursued ruthlessly in many countries beyond our

borders. We vehemently oppose violations of the freedom to associate, wherever they occur, for

they are an intolerable attack on social solidarity.

106. Along with the rights of workers and unions go a number of important responsibilities.

Individual workers have obligations to their employers, and trade unions also have duties to society

as a whole. Union management in particular carries a strong responsibility for the good name of the

entire union movement. Workers must use their collective power to contribute to the well-being of

the whole community and should avoid pressing demands whose fulfillment would damage the

common good and the rights of more vulnerable members of society.(60) It should be noted,

however, that wages paid to workers are but one of the factors affecting the competitiveness of

industries. Thus, it is unfair to expect unions to make concessions if managers and shareholders do

not make at least equal sacrifices.

107. Many U.S. unions have exercised leadership in the struggle for justice for minorities and

women. Racial and sexual discrimination, however, has blotted the record of some unions.

Organized labor has a responsibility to work positively toward eliminating the injustice this

discrimination has caused.

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

108. Perhaps the greatest challenge facing U.S. workers and unions today is that of developing

a new vision of their role in the U.S. economy of the future. The labor movement in the United

States stands at a crucial moment. The dynamism of the unions that led to their rapid growth in the

middle decades of this century has been replaced by a decrease in the percentage of U.S. workers

who are organized. American workers are under heavy pressures today that threaten their jobs. The

restrictions on the right to organize in many countries abroad make labor costs lower there, threaten

American workers and their jobs, and lead to the exploitation of workers in these countries. In these

difficult circumstances, guaranteeing the rights of U.S. workers calls for imaginative vision and

creative new steps, not reactive or simply defensive strategies. For example, organized labor can

play a very important role in helping to provide the education and training needed to help keep

workers employable. Unions can also help both their own members and workers in developing

countries by increasing their international efforts. A vital labor movement will be one that looks to

the future with a deepened sense of global interdependence.

109. There are many signs that these challenges are being discussed by creative labor leaders

today. Deeper and broader discussions of this sort are needed. This does not mean that only

organized labor faces these new problems. All other sectors and institutions in the U.S. economy

need similar vision and imagination. Indeed new forms of cooperation among labor, management,

government, and other social groups are essential and will be discussed in Chapter IV of this letter.

2. Owners and Managers

110. The economy's success in fulfilling the demands of justice will depend on how its vast

resources and wealth are managed. Property owners, managers, and investors of financial capital

must all contribute to creating a more just society. Securing economic justice depends heavily on

the leadership of men and women in business and on wise investment by private enterprises. Pope

John Paul II has pointed out, "The degree of well-being which society today enjoys would be

unthinkable without the dynamic figure of the business person, whose function consists of

organizing human labor and the means of production so as to give rise to the goods and services

necessary for the prosperity and progress of the community."(61) The freedom of entrepreneurship,

business and finance should be protected, but the accountability of this freedom to the common

good and the norms of justice must be assured.

111. Persons in management face many hard choices each day, choices on which the well-being

of many others depends. Commitment to the public good and not simply the private good of their

firms is at the heart of what it means to call their work a vocation and not simply a career or a job.

We believe that the norms and priorities discussed in this letter can be of help as they pursue their

important tasks. The duties of individuals in the business world, however, do not exhaust the ethical

dimensions of business and finance. The size of a firm or bank is in many cases an indicator of

relative power. Large corporations and large financial institutions have considerable power to help

shape economic institutions within the United States and throughout the world. With this power

goes responsibility and the need for those who manage it to be held to moral and institutional

accountability.

112. Business and finance have the duty to be faithful trustees of the resources at their disposal.

No one can ever own capital resources absolutely or control their use without regard for others and

society as a whole.(62) This applies first of all to land and natural resources. Short-term profits

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

reaped at the cost of depletion of natural resources or the pollution of the environment violate this

trust.

113. Resources created by human industry are also held in trust. Owners and managers have

not created this capital on their own. They have benefited from the work of many others and from

the local communities that support their endeavors.(63) They are accountable to these workers and

communities when making decisions. For example, reinvestment in technological innovation is

often crucial for the long-term viability of a firm. The use of financial resources solely in pursuit of

short-term profits can stunt the production of needed goods and services; a broader vision of

managerial responsibility is needed.

114. The Catholic tradition has long defended the right to private ownership of productive

property.(64) This right is an important element in a just economic policy. It enlarges our capacity

for creativity and initiative.(65) Small and medium-sized farms, businesses, and entrepreneurial

enterprises are among the most creative and efficient sectors of our economy. They should be

highly valued by the people of the United States, as are land ownership and home ownership.

Widespread distribution of property can help avoid excessive concentration of economic and

political power. For these reasons ownership should be made possible for a broad sector of our

population.(66)

115. The common good may sometimes demand that the right to own be limited by public

involvement in the planning or ownership of certain sectors of the economy. Support of private

ownership does not mean that anyone has the right to unlimited accumulation of wealth. "Private

property does not constitute for anyone an absolute or unconditioned right. No one is justified in

keeping for his exclusive use what he does not need, when others lack necessities."(67) Pope John

Paul II has referred to limits placed on ownership by the duty to serve the common good as a "social

mortgage" on private property.(68) For example, these limits are the basis of society's exercise of

eminent domain over privately owned land needed for roads or other essential public goods. The

Church's teaching opposes collectivist and statist economic approaches. But it also rejects the notion

that a free market automatically produces justice. Therefore, as Pope John Paul II has argued, "One

cannot exclude the socialization, in suitable conditions, of certain means of production."(69) The

determination of when such conditions exist must be made on a case-by-case basis in light of the

demands of the common good.

116. United States business and financial enterprises can also help determine the justice or

injustice of the world economy. They are not all-powerful, but their real power is unquestionable.

Transnational corporations and financial institutions can make positive contributions to

development and global solidarity. Pope John Paul II has pointed out, however, that the desire to

maximize profits and reduce the cost of natural resources and labor has often tempted these

transnational enterprises to behavior that increases inequality and decreases the stability of the

international order.(70) By collaborating with those national governments that serve their citizens

justly and with intergovernmental agencies, these corporations can contribute to overcoming the

desperate plight of many persons throughout the world.

117. Business people, managers, investors, and financiers follow a vital Christian vocation

when they act responsibly and seek the common good. We encourage and support a renewed sense

of vocation in the business community. We also recognize that the way business people serve

society is governed and limited by the incentives which flow from tax policies, the availability of

credit, and other public policies.

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

118. Businesses have a right to an institutional framework that does not penalize enterprises

that act responsibly. Governments must provide regulations and a system of taxation which

encourage firms to preserve the environment, employ disadvantaged workers, and create jobs in

depressed areas. Managers and stockholders should not be torn between their responsibilities to

their organizations and their responsibilities toward society as a whole.

3. Citizens and Government

119. In addition to rights and duties related to specific roles in the economy, everyone has

obligations based simply on membership in the social community. By fulfilling these duties, we

create a true commonwealth. Volunteering time, talent, and money to work for greater justice is a

fundamental expression of Christian love and social solidarity. All who have more than they need

must come to the aid of the poor. People with professional or technical skills needed to enhance the

lives of others have a duty to share them. And the poor have similar obligations: to work together as

individuals and families to build up their communities by acts of social solidarity and justice. These

voluntary efforts to overcome injustice are part of the Christian vocation.

120. Every citizen also has the responsibility to work to secure justice and human rights

through an organized social response. In the words of Pius XI, "Charity will never be true charity

unless it takes justice into account.... Let no one attempt with small gifts of charity to exempt

himself from the great duties imposed by justice."(71) The guaranteeing of basic justice for all is

not an optional expression of largesse but an inescapable duty for the whole of society.

121. The traditional distinction between society and the state in Catholic social teaching

provides the basic framework for such organized public efforts. The church opposes all statist and

totalitarian approaches to socioeconomic questions. Social life is richer than governmental power

can encompass. All groups that compose society have responsibilities to respond to the demands of

justice. We have just outlined some of the duties of labor unions and business and financial

enterprises. These must be supplemented by initiatives by local community groups, professional

associations, educational institutions, churches, and synagogues. All the groups that give life to this

society have important roles to play in the pursuit of economic justice.

122. For this reason, it is all the more significant that the teachings of the Church insist that

government has a moral function: protecting human rights and securing basic justice for all

members of the commonwealth.(72) Society as a whole and in all its diversity is responsible for

building up the common good. But it is government's role to guarantee the minimum conditions that

make this rich social activity possible, namely, human rights and justice.(73) This obligation also

falls on individual citizens as they choose their representatives and participate in shaping public

opinion.

123. More specifically, it is the responsibility of all citizens, acting through their government,

to assist and empower the poor, the disadvantaged, the handicapped, and the unemployed.

Government should assume a positive role in generating employment and establishing fair labor

practices, in guaranteeing the provision and maintenance of the economy's infrastructure, such as

roads, bridges, harbors, public means of communication, and transport. It should regulate trade and

commerce in the interest of fairness.(74) Government may levy the taxes necessary to meet these

responsibilities, and citizens have a moral obligation to pay those taxes. The way society responds

to the needs of the poor through its public policies is the litmus test of its justice or injustice. The

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

political debate about these policies is the indispensable forum for dealing with the conflicts and

trade-offs that will always be present in the pursuit of a more just economy.

124. The primary norm for determining the scope and limits of governmental intervention is the

"principle of subsidiarity" cited above. This principle states that, in order to protect basic justice,

government should undertake only those initiatives which exceed the capacity of individuals or

private groups acting independently. Government should not replace or destroy smaller

communities and individual initiative. Rather it should help them to contribute more effectively to

social well-being and supplement their activity when the demands of justice exceed their capacities.

This does not mean, however, that the government that governs least governs best. Rather it defines

good government intervention as that which truly "helps" other social groups contribute to the

common good by directing, urging, restraining, and regulating economic activity as "the occasion

requires and necessity demands."(75) This calls for cooperation and consensus building among the

diverse agents in our economic life, including government. The precise form of government

involvement in this process cannot be determined in the abstract. It will depend on an assessment of

specific needs and the most effective ways to address them.

D. Christian Hope and the Courage to Act

125. The Christian vision is based on the conviction that God has destined the human race and

all creation for "a kingdom of truth and life, of holiness and grace, of justice, love, and peace."(76)

This conviction gives Christians strong hope as they face the economic struggles of the world today.

This hope is not a naive optimism that imagines that simple formulas for creating a fully just society

are ready at hand. The Church's experience through history and in nations throughout the world

today has made it wary of all ideologies that claim to have the final answer to humanity's

problems.(77) Christian hope has a much stronger foundation than such ideologies, for it rests on

the knowledge that God is at work in the world, "preparing a new dwelling place and a new earth

where justice will abide."(78)

126. This hope stimulates and strengthens Christian efforts to create a more just economic

order in spite of difficulties and setbacks.(79) Christian hope is strong and resilient, for it is rooted

in a faith that knows that the fullness of life comes to those who follow Christ in the way of the

Cross. In pursuit of concrete solutions, all members of the Christian community are called to an

ever finer discernment of the hurts and opportunities in the world around them, in order to respond

to the most pressing needs and thus build up a more just society.(80) This is a communal task

calling for dialogue, experimentation, and imagination. It also calls for deep faith and courageous

love.

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

FOOTNOTES

Chapter II

1 Mater et Magistra, 219-220. See Pastoral Constitution, 63.

2 Vatican Council II, Decree on Ecumenism, 22-23.

3 C. Westermann, Creation (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974); and B. Vawter, On Genesis: A New Reading

(Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1977). See also Pastoral Constitution, 34.

4 St. Cyprian, On Works and Almsgiving, 25, trans. R. J. Deferrari, St. Cyprian: Treatises, 36 (New York: Fathers

of the Church, 1958), 251. Original text in Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 4, 620. On the Patristic teaching, see C.

Avila, Ownership: Early Christian Teaching (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1983). Collection of original texts and

translations.

5 T. T. Ogletree, The Use of the Bible in Christian Ethics (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1983), 47-85.

6 Though scholars debate whether the Jubilee was a historical institution or an ideal, its images were continually

evoked to stress God's sovereignty over the land and God's concern for the poor and the oppressed (e.g., Is. 61:1-2; Lk

4:16-19). See R. North, Sociology of the Biblical Jubilee (Rome: Biblical Institute, 1954); S. Ringe, Jesus, Liberation

and the Biblical Jubilee: Images for Ethics and Christology (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985).

7 On justice, see J. R. Donahue, "Biblical Perspectives on Justice," in Haughey, ed., The Faith That Does Justice

(New York: Paulist Press, 1977), 68-112; and S. C. Mott, Biblical Ethics and Social Change (New York: Oxford

University Press, 1982).

8 See Ex 22:20-26; Dt 15:1-11; Jb 29:12-17; Pss 69:34; 72:2, 4,12-24; 82:3-4; Prv 14:21, 31; Is 3:14-15, 10:2; Jer

22:16; Zec 7:9-10.

9 J. Pedersen, Israel: Its Life and Culture, vol. I-II (London: Oxford University Press, 1926), 337-340.

10 J. Alfaro, Theology of Justice in the World (Rome: Pontifical Commission on Justice and Peace, 1973), 40-41;

E. McDonagh, The Making of Disciples (Wilmington, Del.: Michael Glazier, 1982), 119.

11 Pope John Paul II has drawn on this parable to exhort us to have a "compassionate heart" to those in need in his

Apostolic Letter "On the Christian Meaning of Human Suffering" (Salvifici Doloris) (Washington, D.C.: United States

Catholic Conference, 1984), 34-39.

12 Redeemer of Man, 21.

13 Address to Workers at Sao Paulo, 8, Origins 10:9 (July 31, 1980), 139; and Address at Yankee Stadium,

Origins 9:19 (October 25, 1979), 311-312.

14 J. Dupont and A. George, eds., La pauvreté évangelique (Paris: Cerf, 1971); M. Hengel, Property and Riches in the

Early Church (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974); L. Johnson, Sharing Possessions: Mandate and Symbol of Faith

(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981); D. L. Mealand, Poverty and Expectation in the Gospels (London: SPCK, 1980);

W. Pilgrim, Good News to the Poor: Wealth and Poverty in Luke-Acts (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1981); and W.

Stegemann, The Gospel and the Poor (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984).

15 See Am 4:1-3; Jb 20:19; Sir 13:4-7; Jas 2:6; 5:1-6; Rv 18:11-19.

16 See paras. 85-91.

17 See Selected Bibliography.

18 Extraordinary Synod of Bishops (1985), The Final Report, II, A (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic

Conference, 1986).

19 Pope Paul VI, On Evangelization in the Modern World, 31.

20 Ibid., 24.

21 Pastoral Constitution, 32.

22 Ibid., 25.

23 See para. 39.

24 Josef Pieper, The Four Cardinal Virtues (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966), 43-116;

David Hollenbach, "Modern Catholic Teachings Concerning Justice," in John C. Haughey ed., The Faith That Does

Justice (New York: Paulist Press, 1977), 207-231.

25 Jon P. Gunnemann, "Capitalism and Commutative Justice," presented at the 1985 meeting of the Society of

Christian Ethics, published in The Annual of the Society of Christian Ethics.

26 Pastoral Constitution, 69.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

27 Pope Pius XI, Divini Redemptoris, 51. See John A. Ryan, Distributive Justice, third edition (New York:

Macmillan, 1942), 188. The term "social justice" has been used in several different but related ways in the Catholic

ethical tradition. See William Ferree, "The Act of Social Justice," Philosophical Studies, vol. 72 (Washington, D.C.:

The Catholic University of America Press, 1943).

28 On Human Work, 6, 9.

29 Pastoral Constitution, 29.

30 Ibid. See below, paras. 180-182.

31 Pope Paul VI, On the Development of Peoples (1967), 19.

32 Mater et Magistra, 132.

33 Justice in the World, 10, 16; and Octogesima Adveniens, 15.

34 Pastoral Constitution, 25; Justice in the World, 51; Pope John Paul II, The Gift of the Redemption, Apostolic

Exhortation on Reconciliation and Penance (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1984), 16;

Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation, 42, 74.

35 In the words of the 1971 Synod of Bishops: "Participation constitutes a right which is to be applied in the

economic and in the social and political field," Justice in the World, 18.

36 Pastoral Constitution, 26.

37 Pope John Paul II, Address at the General Assembly of the United Nations (October 2, 1979), 13, 14.

38 See Pope Pius XII, 1941 Pentecost Address, in V. Yzermans, The Major Addresses of Pope Pius XII, vol. I (St.

Paul: North Central, 1961), 32-33.

39 Peace on Earth, 8-27. See On Human Work, 18-19. Peace on Earth and other modern papal statements refer

explicitly to the "right to work" as one of the fundamental economic rights. Because of the ambiguous meaning of the

phrase in the United States, and also because the ordinary way people earn their living in our society is through paid

employment, the NCCB has affirmed previously that the protection of human dignity demands that the right to useful

employment be secured for all who are able and willing to work. See NCCB, The Economy: Human Dimensions

(November 20, 1975), 5, in NCCB, Justice in the Marketplace, 470. See also Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith,

Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation, 85.

40 The Development of Peoples, 14.

41 Martha H. Good, "Freedom From Want: The Failure of United States Courts to Protect Subsistence Rights,"

Human Rights Quarterly 6 (1984): 335-365.

42 Pastoral Constitution, 43.

43 Mater et Magistra, 65.

44 On the recent use of this term see: Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Instruction on Christian

Freedom and Liberation, 46-50, and 66-68; Evangelization in Latin America's Present and Future, Final Document of

the Third General Conference of the Latin American Episcopate (Puebla, Mexico, January 27-February 13, 1979), esp.

part VI, ch. 1, "A Preferential Option for the Poor," in J. Eagleson and P. Scharper, eds., Puebla and Beyond

(Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1979), 264-267; Donal Dorr, Option for the Poor: A Hundred Years of Vatican Social

Teaching (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan/Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1983).

45 Octogesima Adveniens, 23.

46 Address to Bishops of Brazil, 6.9, Origins 10:9 (July 31, 1980): 135.

47 Pope John Paul II, Address to Workers at Sao Paulo, 4, Origins (July 31, 1980): 138; Congregation for the

Doctrine of the Faith, Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation, 66-68.

48 Pastoral Constitution, 47.

49 Address on Christian Unity in a Technological Age (Toronto, September 14, 1984) in Origins 14:16 (October

4, 1984): 248.

50 On Human Work, 3.

51 Ibid., 5, 6.

52 Ibid., 6, 10.

54 Quadragesimo Anno, 79. The meaning of this principle is not always accurately understood. For studies of its

interpretation in Catholic teaching see: Calvez and Perrin, Catholic Social Principles, (Milkwaukee: Bruce, 1950), 328-

342; Johannes Messner, "Freedom as a Principle of Social Order: An Essay in the Substance of Subsidiary Function,"

Modern Schoolman 28 (1951): 97-110; Richard E. Mulcahy, "Subsidiarity," New Catholic Encyclopedia vol. 13 (New

York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 762; Franz H. Mueller, "The Principle of Subsidiarity in Christian Tradition,'' American

The Christian Vision of Economic Life

Catholic Sociological Review 4 (October, 1943): 144-157; Oswald von Nell-Breuning, "Zur Sozialreform, Erwagungen

zum Subsidiaritatsprinzip," Stimmen der Zeit 157, Bd. 81 (1955-56): 1-11; id., "Subsidiarity," Sacramentum Mundi

(New York: Herder and Herder, 1970), 6, 114-116; Arthur Fridolin Utz, Formen und Grenzen des

Subsidiaritatsprinzips (Heidelberg: F. H. Kerle Verlag, 1956); id., "The Principle of Subsidiarity and Contemporary

Natural Law," Natural Law Forum 3 (1958): 170-183; id., Grundsatze der Sozialpolitik: Solidaritat und Subsidiaritat in

der Alterversicherung (Stuttgart: Sewald Verlag, 1969).

54 Pastoral Constitution, 31.

55 On Human Work, 16.

56 Rerum Novarum, 62; see also 9.

57 On Human Work, 19.

58 Ibid., 20.

59 Ibid.

60 Ibid.

61 Pope John Paul II, Address to Business Men and Economic Managers (Milan, May 22, 1983) in L'Osservatore

Romano, weekly edition in English (June 20, 1983): 9:1.

62 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, IIa, IIae, q. 66.

63 As Pope John Paul II has stated: "This gigantic and powerful instrument—the whole collection of the means of

production that in a sense are considered synonymous with 'capital'—is the result of work and bears the signs of human

labor." On Human Work, 12.

64 Rerum Novarum, 10, 15, and 36.

65 Mater et Magistra, 109.

66 Rerum Novarum, 65, 66; Mater et Magistra, 115.

67 On the Development of Peoples, 23.

68 Pope John Paul II, Opening Address at the Puebla Conference (Puebla, Mexico, January 28, 1979) in John

Eagleson and Philip Scharper, eds. Peubla and Beyond, 67.

69 On Human Work, 14.

70 Ibid., 17.

71 Divini Redemptoris, 49.

72 Peace on Earth, 60-62.

73 Vatican Council II, Declaration on Religious Freedom (Dignitatis Humanae), 6. See John Courtney Murray,

The Problem of Religious Freedom, Woodstock Papers, no. 7 (Westminster, Md.: Newman Press, 1965).

74 Peace on Earth, 63-64; Quadragesimo Anno, 80. In Rerum Novarum Pope Leo XIII set down the basic norm

which determines when government intervention is called for: "If, therefore, any injury has been done to or threatens

either the common good or the interests of individual groups, which injury cannot in any other way be repaired or

prevented, it is necessary for public authority to intervene" Rerum Novarum, 52. Pope John XXIII synthesized the

Church's understanding of the function of governmental intervention this way: 'The State, whose purpose is the

realization of the common good in the temporal order, can by no means disregard the economic activity of its citizens.

Indeed it should be present to promote in suitable manner the production of a sufficient supply of material goods,...

contribute actively to the betterment of the living conditions of workers,... see to it that labor agreements are entered

into according to the norms of justice and equity, and that in the environment of work the dignity of the human being is

not violated either in body or spirit," Mater et Magistra, 20-21.

75 Quadragesimo Anno, 80.

76 Preface for the Feast of Christ the King, The Sacramentary of the Roman Missal.

77 Octogesima Adveniens, 26-35.

78 Pastoral Constitution, 39.

79 Ibid.

80 Octogesima Adveniens, 42.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

CHAPTER III

SELECTED ECONOMIC POLICY ISSUES

127. We have outlined this moral vision as a guide to all who seek to be faithful to the Gospel

in their daily economic decisions and as a challenge to transform the economic arrangements that

shape our lives and our world. These arrangements embody and communicate social values, and

therefore have moral significance both in themselves and in their effects. Christians, like all people,

must be concerned about how the concrete outcomes of their economic activity serve human

dignity; they must assess the extent to which the structures and practices of the economy support or

undermine their moral vision.

128. Such an assessment of economic practices, structures, and outcomes leads to a variety of

conclusions. Some people argue that an unfettered free-market economy, where owners, workers,

and consumers pursue their enlightened self-interest, provides the greatest possible liberty, material

welfare, and equity. The policy implication of this view is to intervene in the economy as little as

possible because it is such a delicate mechanism that any attempt to improve it is likely to have the

opposite effect. Others argue that the capitalist system is inherently inequitable and therefore

contradictory to the demands of Christian morality, for it is based on acquisitiveness, competition,

and self-centered individualism. They assert that capitalism is fatally flawed and must be replaced

by a radically different system that abolishes private property, the profit motive, and the free

market.

129. Catholic social teaching has traditionally rejected these ideological extremes because they

are likely to produce results contrary to human dignity and economic justice.(1) Starting with the

assumption that the economy has been created by human beings and can be changed by them, the

Church works for improvement in a variety of economic and political contexts; but it is not the

Church's role to create or promote a specific new economic system. Rather, the Church must

encourage all reforms that hold out hope of transforming our economic arrangements into a fuller

systemic realization of the Christian moral vision. The Church must also stand ready to challenge

practices and institutions that impede or carry us farther away from realizing this vision.

130. In short, the Church is not bound to any particular economic, political, or social system; it

has lived with many forms of economic and social organization and will continue to do so,

evaluating each according to moral and ethical principles: What is the impact of the system on

people? Does it support or threaten human dignity?

131. In this document we offer reflections on the particular reality that is the U.S. economy. In

doing so we are aware of the need to address not only individual issues within the economy but also

the larger question of the economic system itself. Our approach in analyzing the U.S. economy is

pragmatic and evolutionary in nature. We live in a "mixed" economic system which is the product

of a long history of reform and adjustment. It is in the spirit of this American pragmatic tradition of

reform that we seek to continue the search for a more just economy. Our nation has many assets to

employ in this quest—vast economic, technological, and human resources, and a system of

representative government through which we can all help shape economic decisions.

132. Although we have chosen in this chapter to focus primarily on some aspects of the

economy where we think reforms are realistically possible, we also emphasize that Catholic social

teaching bears directly on larger questions concerning the economic system itself and the values it

Selected Economic Policy Issues

expresses—questions that cannot be ignored in the Catholic vision of economic justice.(2) For

example, does our economic system place more emphasis on maximizing profits than on meeting

human needs and fostering human dignity? Does our economy distribute its benefits equitably or

does it concentrate power and resources in the hands of a few? Does it promote excessive

materialism and individualism? Does it adequately protect the environment and the nation's natural

resources? Does it direct too many scarce resources to military purposes? These and other basic

questions about the economy need to be scrutinized in light of the ethical norms we have outlined.

We urge continuing exploration of these systemic questions in a more comprehensive way than this

document permits.

133. We have selected the following subjects to address here: 1) employment, 2) poverty, 3)

food and agriculture, and 4) the U.S. role in the global economy. These topics were chosen because

of their relevance to both the economic "signs of the times" and the ethical norms of our tradition.

Each exemplifies U.S. policies that are basic to the establishment of economic justice in the nation

and the world, and each illustrates key moral principles and norms for action from Catholic social

teaching. Our treatment of these issues does not constitute a comprehensive analysis of the U.S.

economy. We emphasize that these are illustrative topics intended to exemplify the interaction of

moral values and economic issues in our day, not to encompass all such values and issues. This

document is not a technical blueprint for economic reform. Rather, it is an attempt to foster a

serious moral analysis leading to a more just economy.

134. In focusing on some of the central economic issues and choices in American life in the

light of moral principles, we are aware that the movement from principle to policy is complex and

difficult and that although moral values are essential in determining public policies, they do not

dictate specific solutions. They must interact with empirical data, with historical, social, and

political realities, and with competing demands on limited resources. The soundness of our

prudential judgments depends not only on the moral force of our principles, but also on the accuracy

of our information and the validity of our assumptions.

135. Our judgments and recommendations on specific economic issues, therefore, do not carry

the same moral authority as our statements of universal moral principles and formal church

teaching; the former are related to circumstances which can change or which can be interpreted

differently by people of good will. We expect and welcome debate on our specific policy

recommendations. Nevertheless, we want our statements on these matters to be given serious

consideration by Catholics as they determine whether their own moral judgments are consistent

with the Gospel and with Catholic social teaching. We believe that differences on complex

economic questions should be expressed in a spirit of mutual respect and open dialogue.(3)

A. Employment

136. Full employment is the foundation of a just economy. The most urgent priority for

domestic economic policy is the creation of new jobs with adequate pay and decent working

conditions. We must make it possible as a nation for everyone who is seeking a job to find

employment within a reasonable amount of time. Our emphasis on this goal is based on the

conviction that human work has a special dignity and is a key to achieving justice in society.(4)

137. Employment is a basic right, a right which protects the freedom of all to participate in the

economic life of society. It is a right which flows from the principles of justice which we have

outlined above. Corresponding to this right is the duty on the part of society to ensure that the right

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

is protected. The importance of this right is evident in the fact that for most people employment is

crucial to self-realization and essential to the fulfillment of material needs. Since so few in our

economy own productive property, employment also forms the first line of defense against poverty.

Jobs benefit society as well as workers, for they enable more people to contribute to the common

good and to the productivity required for a healthy economy.

1. The Scope and Effects of Unemployment

138. Joblessness is becoming a more widespread and deep-seated problem in our nation. There

are about 8 million people in the United States looking for a job who cannot find one. They

represent about 7 percent of the labor force.(5) The official rate of unemployment does not include

those who have given up looking for work or those who are working part-time, but want to work

full-time. When these categories are added, it becomes clear that about one-eighth of the workforce

is directly affected by unemployment.(6) The severity of the unemployment problem is

compounded by the fact that almost three-fourths of those who are unemployed receive no

unemployment insurance benefits.(7)

139. In recent years there has been a steady trend toward higher and higher levels of

unemployment, even in good times. Between 1950 and 1980 the annual unemployment rate

exceeded current levels only during the recession years of 1975 and 1976. Periods of economic

recovery during these three decades brought unemployment rates down to 3 and 4 percent. Since

1979, however, the rate has generally been above 7 percent.

140. Who are the unemployed? Blacks, Hispanics, Native Americans, young adults, female heads of

households, and those who are inadequately educated are represented disproportionately among the

ranks of the unemployed. The unemployment rate among minorities is almost twice as high as the

rate among whites. For female heads of households the unemployment rate is over 10 percent.

Among black teenagers, unemployment reaches the scandalous rate of more than one in three.(8)

141. The severe human costs of high unemployment levels become vividly clear when we

examine the impact of joblessness on human lives and human dignity. It is a deep conviction of

American culture that work is central to the freedom and well-being of people. The unemployed

often come to feel they are worthless and without a productive role in society. Each day they are

unemployed our society tells them: We don't need your talent. We don't need your initiative. We

don't need you. Unemployment takes a terrible toll on the health and stability of both individuals

and families. It gives rise to family quarrels, greater consumption of alcohol, child abuse, spouse

abuse, divorce, and higher rates of infant mortality.(9) People who are unemployed often feel that

society blames them for being unemployed. Very few people survive long periods of unemployment

without some psychological damage even if they have sufficient funds to meet their needs.(10) At

the extreme, the strains of job loss may drive individuals to suicide.(11)

142. In addition to the terrible waste of individual talent and creativity, unemployment also

harms society at large. Jobless people pay little or no taxes, thus lowering the revenues for city,

state and the federal governments. At the same time, rising unemployment requires greater

expenditures for unemployment compensation, food stamps, welfare, and other assistance. It is

estimated that in 1986, for every one percentage point increase in the rate of unemployment, there

will be roughly a $40 billion increase in the federal deficit.(12) The costs to society are also evident

in the rise in crime associated with joblessness. The Federal Bureau of Prisons reports that increases

in unemployment have been followed by increases in the prison population. Other studies have

Selected Economic Policy Issues

shown links between the rate of joblessness and the frequency of homicides, robberies, larcenies,

narcotics arrests, and youth crimes.(13)

143. Our own experiences with the individuals, families, and communities that suffer the

burdens of unemployment compel us to the conviction that as a nation we simply cannot afford to

have millions of able-bodied men and women unemployed. We cannot afford the economic costs,

the social dislocation, and the enormous human tragedies caused by unemployment. In the end,

however, what we can least afford is the assault on human dignity that occurs when millions are left

without adequate employment. Therefore, we cannot but conclude that current levels of

unemployment are intolerable, and they impose on us a moral obligation to work for policies that

will reduce joblessness.

2. Unemployment in a Changing Economy

144. The structure of the U.S. economy is undergoing a transformation that affects both the

quantity and the quality of jobs in our nation. The size and makeup of the work force, for example,

have changed markedly in recent years. For a number of reasons, there are now more people in the

labor market than ever before in our history. Population growth has pushed up the supply of

potential workers. In addition, large numbers of women have entered the labor force in order to put

their talents and education to greater use and out of economic necessity. Many families need two

salaries if they are to live in a decently human fashion. Female-headed households often depend

heavily on the mother's income to stay off the welfare rolls. Immigrants seeking a better existence in

the United States have also added to the size of the labor force. These demographic changes,

however, cannot fully explain the higher levels of unemployment.

145. Technological changes are also having dramatic impacts on the employment picture in the

United States. Advancing technology brings many benefits, but it can also bring social and

economic costs, including the downgrading and displacement of workers. High technology and

advanced automation are changing the very face of our nation's industries and occupations. In the

1970s, about 90 percent of all new jobs were in service occupations. By 1990, service industries are

expected to employ 72 percent of the labor force. Much of the job growth in the 1980s is expected

to be in traditionally low-paying, high-turnover jobs such as sales, clerical, janitorial, and food

service.(14) Too often these jobs do not have career ladders leading to higher skilled, higher paying

jobs. Thus the changing industrial and occupational mix in the U.S. economy could result in a shift

toward lower paying and lower skilled jobs.

146. Increased competition in world markets is another factor influencing the rate of

joblessness in our nation. Many other exporting nations have acquired and developed up-to-the-

minute technology, enabling them to increase productivity dramatically. Combined with very low

wages in many nations, this has allowed them to gain a larger share of the U.S. market to cut into

U.S. export markets. At the same time many corporations have closed plants in the United States

and moved their capital, technology, and jobs to foreign affiliates.

147. Discrimination in employment is one of the causes for high rates of joblessness and low

pay among racial minorities and women. Beyond the normal problems of locating a job, blacks,

Hispanics, Native Americans, immigrants, and other minorities bear this added burden of

discrimination. Discrimination against women is compounded by the lack of adequate child care

services and by the unwillingness of many employers to provide flexible employment or extend

fringe benefits to part-time employees.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

148. High levels of defense spending also have an effect on the number of jobs in our economy.

In our pastoral letter, The Challenge of Peace, we noted the serious economic distortions caused by

the arms race and the disastrous effects that it has on society's ability to care for the poor and the

needy. Employment is one area in which this interconnection is very evident. The hundreds of

billions of dollars spent by our nation each year on the arms race create a massive drain on the U.S.

economy as well as a very serious "brain drain." Such spending on the arms race means a net loss in

the number of jobs created in the economy, because defense industries are less labor-intensive than

other major sectors of the economy.(15) Moreover, nearly half of the American scientific and

engineering force works in defense-related programs, and over 60 percent of the entire federal

research and development budget goes to the military.(16) We must ask whether our nation will

ever be able to modernize our economy and achieve full employment if we continue to devote so

much of our financial and human resources to defense-related activities.

149. These are some of the factors that have driven up the rate of unemployment in recent

years. Although our economy has created more than 20 million new jobs since 1970,(17) there

continues to be a chronic and growing job shortage. In the face of this challenge, our nation's

economic institutions have failed to adapt adequately and rapidly enough. For example, failure to

invest sufficiently in certain industries and regions, inadequate education and training for new

workers, and insufficient mechanisms to assist workers displaced by new technology have added to

the unemployment problem.

150. Generating an adequate number of jobs in our economy is a complex task in view of the

changing and diverse nature of the problem. It involves numerous trade-offs and substantial costs.

Nevertheless, it is not an impossible task. Achieving the goal of full employment may require major

adjustments and creative strategies that go beyond the limits of existing policies and institutions, but

it is a task we must undertake.

3. Guidelines for Action

151. We recommend that the nation make a major new commitment to achieve full

employment. At present there is nominal endorsement of the full employment ideal, but no firm

commitment to bringing it about. If every effort were now being made to create the jobs required,

one might argue that the situation today is the best we can do. But such is not the case. The country

is doing far less than it might to generate employment.

152. Over the last decade, economists, policy makers, and the general public have shown

greater willingness to tolerate unemployment levels of 6 to 7 percent or even more.(18) Although

we recognize the complexities and trade-offs involved in reducing unemployment, we believe that 6

to 7 percent unemployment is neither inevitable nor acceptable. While a zero unemployment rate is

clearly impossible in an economy where people are constantly entering the job market and others

are changing jobs, appropriate policies and concerted private and public action can improve the

situation considerably, if we have the will to do so. No economy can be considered truly healthy

when so many millions of people are denied jobs by forces outside their control. The acceptance of

present unemployment rates would have been unthinkable twenty years ago. It should be regarded

as intolerable today.

153. We must first establish a consensus that everyone has a right to employment. Then the

burden of securing full employment falls on all of us—policy makers, business, labor, and the

general public—to create and implement the mechanisms to protect that right. We must work for

Selected Economic Policy Issues

the formation of a new national consensus and mobilize the necessary political will at all levels to

make the goal of full employment a reality.

154. Expanding employment in our nation will require significant steps in both the private and

public sectors, as well as joint action between them. Private initiative and entrepreneurship are

essential to this task, for the private sector accounts for about 80 percent of the jobs in the United

States, and most new jobs are being created there.(19) Thus a viable strategy for employment

generation must assume that a large part of the solution will be with private firms and small

businesses. At the same time, it must be recognized that government has a prominent and

indispensable role to play in addressing the problem of unemployment. The market alone will not

automatically produce full employment. Therefore, the government must act to ensure that this goal

is achieved by coordinating general economic policies, by job creation programs and by other

appropriate policy measures.

155. Effective action against unemployment will require a careful mix of general economic

policies and targeted employment programs. Taken together, these policies and programs should

have full employment as their No. 1 goal.

a. General Economic Policies

156. The general or macroeconomic policies of the federal government are essential tools for

encouraging the steady economic growth that produces more and better jobs in the economy. We

recommend that the fiscal and monetary policies of the nation—such as federal spending, tax and

interest-rate policies—should be coordinated so as to achieve the goal of full employment.

157. General economic policies that attempt to expand employment must also deal with the

problem of inflation.(20) The risk of inflationary pressures resulting from such expansionary

policies is very real. Our response to this risk, however, must not be to abandon the goal of full

employment, but to develop effective policies that keep inflation under control.

158. While economic growth is an important and necessary condition for the reduction of

unemployment, it is not sufficient in and of itself. In order to work for full employment and restrain

inflation, it is also necessary to adopt more specific programs and policies targeted toward particular

aspects of the unemployment problem.(21)

b. Targeted Employment Programs

159. (1) We recommend expansion of job-training and apprenticeship programs in the private

sector administered and supported jointly by business, labor unions, and government. Any

comprehensive employment strategy must include systematic means of developing the technical and

professional skills needed for a dynamic and productive economy. Investment in a skilled work

force is a prerequisite both for sustaining economic growth and achieving greater justice in the

United States. The obligation to contribute to this investment falls on both the private and public

sectors. Today business, labor, and government need to coordinate their efforts and pool their

resources to promote a substantial increase in the number of apprenticeship programs and to expand

on-the-job training programs. We recommend a national commitment to eradicate illiteracy and to

provide people with skills necessary to adapt to the changing demands of employment.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

160. With the rapid pace of technological change, continuing education and training are even

more important today than in the past. Businesses have a stake in providing it, for skilled workers

are essential to increased productivity. Labor unions should support it, for their members are

increasingly vulnerable to displacement and job loss unless they continue to develop their skills and

their flexibility on the job. Local communities have a stake as well, for their economic well-being

will suffer serious harm if local industries fail to develop and are forced to shut down.

161. The best medicine for the disease of plant closings is prevention. Prevention depends not

only on sustained capital investment to enhance productivity through advanced technology, but also

on the training and retraining of workers within the private sector. In circumstances where plants

are forced to shut down, management, labor unions, and local communities must see to it that

workers are not simply cast aside. Retraining programs will be even more urgently needed in these

circumstances.

162. (2) We recommend increased support for direct job creation programs targeted on the

long-term unemployed and those with special needs. Such programs can take the form of direct

public service employment and also of public subsidies for employment in the private sector. Both

approaches would provide jobs for those with low skills less expensively and with less inflation

than would general stimulation of the economy.(22) The cost of providing jobs must also be

balanced against the savings realized by the government through decreased welfare and

unemployment insurance expenditures and increased revenues from the taxes paid by the newly

employed.

163. Government funds, if used effectively, can also stimulate private sector jobs for the long-

term unemployed and for groups particularly hard to employ. Experiments need to be conducted on

the precise ways such subsidies would most successfully attract business participation and ensure

the generation of permanent jobs.

164. These job generation efforts should aim specifically at bringing marginalized persons into

the labor force. They should produce a net increase in the number of jobs rather than displacing the

burden of unemployment from one group of persons to another. They should also be aimed at long-

term jobs and should include the necessary supportive services to assist the unemployed in finding

and keeping jobs.

165. Jobs that are created should produce goods and services needed and valued by society. It is

both good common sense and sound economics to create jobs directly for the purpose of meeting

society's unmet needs. Across the nation, in every state and locality, there is ample evidence of

social needs that are going unmet. Many of our parks and recreation facilities are in need of

maintenance and repair. Many of the nation's bridges and highways are in disrepair. We have a

desperate need for more low-income housing. Our educational systems, day-care services, senior

citizen services and other community programs need to be expanded. These and many other

elements of our national life are areas of unmet need. At the same time, there are more than 8

million Americans looking for productive and useful work. Surely we have the capacity to match

these needs by giving Americans who are anxious to work a chance for productive employment in

jobs that are waiting to be done. The overriding moral value of enabling jobless persons to achieve a

new sense of dignity and personal worth through employment also strongly recommends these

programs.

166. These job creation efforts will require increased collaboration and fresh alliances between

the private and public sectors at all levels. There are already a number of examples of how such

Selected Economic Policy Issues

efforts can be successful.(23) We believe that the potential of these kinds of partnerships has only

begun to be tapped.

c. Examining New Strategies

167. In addition to the actions suggested above, we believe there is also a need for careful

examination and experimentation with alternative approaches that might improve both the quantity

and quality of jobs. More extensive use of job sharing, flex time, and a reduced work week are

among the topics that should continue to be on the agenda of public discussion. Consideration

should also be given to the possibility of limiting or abolishing compulsory overtime work.

Similarly, methods might be examined to discourage the overuse of part-time workers, who do not

receive fringe benefits.(24) New strategies also need to be explored in the area of education and

training for the hard-to-employ, displaced workers, the handicapped, and others with special needs.

Particular attention is needed to achieve pay equity between men and women, as well as upgrading

the pay scale and working conditions of traditionally low-paying jobs. The nation should renew its

efforts to develop effective affirmative action policies that assist those who have been excluded by

racial or sexual discrimination in the past. New strategies for improving job placement services at

the national and local levels are also needed. Improving occupational safety is another important

concern that deserves increased attention.

168. Much greater attention also needs to be devoted to the long-term task of converting some

of the nation's military production to more peaceful and socially productive purposes. The nation

needs to seek more effective ways to retool industries, to retrain workers, and to provide the

necessary adjustment assistance for communities affected by this kind of economic conversion.

169. These are among the avenues that need to be explored in the search for just employment

policies. A belief in the inherent dignity of human work and in the right to employment should

motivate people in all sectors of society to carry on that search in new and creative ways.

B. Poverty

170. More than 33 million Americans—about one in every seven people in our nation—are

poor by the government's official definition. The norms of human dignity and the preferential option

for the poor compel us to confront this issue with a sense of urgency. Dealing with poverty is not a

luxury to which our nation can attend when it finds the time and resources. Rather, it is a moral

imperative of the highest priority.

171. Of particular concern is the fact that poverty has increased dramatically during the last

decade. Since 1973 the poverty rate has increased by nearly a third. Although the recent recovery

has brought a slight decline in the rate, it remains at a level that is higher than at almost any other

time during the last two decades.(25)

172. As pastors we have seen firsthand the faces of poverty in our midst. Homeless people

roam city streets in tattered clothing and sleep in doorways or on subway grates at night. Many of

these are former mental patients released from state hospitals. Thousands stand in line at soup

kitchens because they have no other way of feeding themselves. Millions of children are so poorly

nourished that their physical and mental development are seriously harmed.(26) We have also seen

the growing economic hardship and insecurity experienced by moderate-income Americans when

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

they lose their jobs and their income due to forces beyond their control. These are alarming signs

and trends. They pose for our nation an urgent moral and human challenge: to fashion a society

where no one goes without the basic material necessities required for human dignity and growth.

173. Poverty can be described and defined in many different ways. It can include spiritual as

well as material poverty. Likewise, its meaning changes depending on the historical, social, and

economic setting. Poverty in our time is different from the more severe deprivation experienced in

earlier centuries in the United States or in Third World nations today. Our discussion of poverty in

this chapter is set within the context of present-day American society. By poverty, we are referring

here to the lack of sufficient material resources required for a decent life. We use the government's

official definition of poverty, although we recognize its limits.(27)

1. Characteristics of Poverty

174. Poverty is not an isolated problem existing solely among a small number of anonymous

people in our central cities. Nor is it limited to a dependent underclass or to specific groups in the

United States. It is a condition experienced at some time by many people in different walks of life

and in different circumstances. Many poor people are working, but at wages insufficient to lift them

out of poverty.(28) Others are unable to work and therefore dependent on outside sources of

support. Still others are on the edge of poverty; although not officially defined as poor, they are

economically insecure and at risk of falling into poverty.

175. While many of the poor manage to escape from beneath the official poverty line, others

remain poor for extended periods of time. Long-term poverty is concentrated among racial

minorities and families headed by women. It is also more likely to be found in rural areas and in the

South.(29) Of the long-term poor, most are either working at wages too low to bring them above the

poverty line or are retired, disabled or parents of preschool children. Generally they are not in a

position to work more hours than they do now.(30)

a. Children in Poverty

176. Poverty strikes some groups more severely than others. Perhaps most distressing is the

growing number of children who are poor. Today one in every four American children under the

age of six and one in every two black children under six are poor. The number of children in

poverty rose by four million over the decade between 1973 and 1983, with the result that there are

now more poor children in the United States than at any time since 1965.(31) The problem is

particularly severe among female-headed families, where more than half of all children are poor.

Two-thirds of black children and nearly three-quarters of Hispanic children in such families are

poor.

177. Very many poor families with children receive no government assistance, have no health

insurance, and cannot pay medical bills. Less than half are immunized against preventable diseases

such as diphtheria and polio.(32) Poor children are disadvantaged even before birth; their mothers'

lack of access to high quality prenatal care leaves them at much greater risk of premature birth, low

birth weight, physical and mental impairment, and death before their first birthday.

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b. Women and Poverty

178. The past twenty years have witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of women in

poverty.(33) This includes women raising children alone as well as women with inadequate income

following divorce, widowhood, or retirement. More than one-third of all female-headed families are

poor. Among minority families headed by women the poverty rate is over 50 percent.(34)

179. Wage discrimination against women is a major factor behind these high rates of poverty.

Many women are employed but remain poor because their wages are too low. Women who work

outside their homes full-time and year-round earn only 61 percent of what men earn. Thus, being

employed full time is not by itself a remedy for poverty among women. Hundreds of thousands of

women hold full-time jobs but are still poor. Sixty percent of all women work in only ten

occupations, and most new jobs for women are in areas with low pay and limited chances of

advancement. Many women suffer discrimination in wages, salaries, job classifications, promotions,

and other areas.(35) As a result, they find themselves in jobs that have low status, little security,

weak unionization, and few fringe benefits. Such discrimination is immoral and efforts must be

made to overcome the effects of sexism in our society.

180. Women's responsibilities for child rearing are another important factor to be considered.

Despite the many changes in marriage and family life in recent decades, women continue to have

primary responsibility in this area. When marriages break up, mothers typically take custody of the

children and bear the major financial responsibility for supporting them. Women often anticipate

that they will leave the labor force to have and raise children, and often make job and career choices

accordingly. In other cases they are not hired or promoted to higher paying jobs because of their

childrearing responsibilities. In addition, most divorced or separated mothers do not get child

support payments. In 1983, less than half of women raising children alone had been awarded child

support, and of those only half received the full amount to which they were entitled. Even fewer

women (14 percent) are awarded alimony, and many older women are left in poverty after a lifetime

of homemaking and childrearing.(36) Such women have great difficulty finding jobs and securing

health insurance.

c. Racial Minorities and Poverty

181. Most poor people in our nation are white, but the rates of poverty in our nation are highest

among those who have borne the brunt of racial prejudice and discrimination. For example, blacks

are about three times more likely to be poor than whites. While one out of every nine white

Americans is poor, one of every three blacks and Native Americans and more than one of every

four Hispanics are poor.(37) While some members of minority communities have successfully

moved up the economic ladder, the overall picture indicates that black family income is only 55

percent of white family income, reflecting an income gap that is wider now than at any time in the

last fifteen years.(38)

182. Despite the gains which have been made toward racial equality, prejudice and

discrimination in our own time as well as the effects of past discrimination continue to exclude

many members of racial minorities from the mainstream of American life. Discrimination practices

in labor markets, in educational systems, and in electoral politics create major obstacles for blacks,

Hispanics, Native Americans, and other racial minorities in their struggle to improve their economic

status.(39) Such discrimination is evidence of the continuing presence of racism in our midst. In our

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

pastoral letter Brothers and Sisters to Us, we have described this racism as a sin—"a sin that divides

the human family, blots out the image of God among specific members of that family, and violates

the fundamental human dignity of those called to be children of the same Father."(40)

2. Economic Inequality

183. Important to our discussion of poverty in America is an understanding of the degree of

economic inequality in our nation. Our economy is marked by a very uneven distribution of wealth

and income. For example, it is estimated that 28 percent of the total net wealth is held by the richest

2 percent of families in the United States. The top ten percent holds 57 percent of the net

wealth.(41) If homes and other real estate are excluded, the concentration of ownership of "financial

wealth" is even more glaring. In 1983, 54 percent of the total net financial assets were held by 2

percent of all families, those whose annual income is over $125,000. Eighty-six percent of these

assets were held by the top 10 percent of all families.(42)

184. Although disparities in the distribution of income are less extreme, they are still striking.

In 1984 the bottom 20 percent of American families received only 4.7 percent of the total income in

the nation, and the bottom 40 percent received only 15.7 percent, the lowest share on record in U.S.

history. In contrast, the top one-fifth received 42.9 percent of the total income, the highest share

since 1948.(43) These figures are only partial and very imperfect measures of the inequality in our

society.(44) However, they do suggest that the degree of inequality is quite large. In comparison

with other industrialized nations, the United States is among the more unequal in terms of income

distribution.(45) Moreover, the gap between rich and poor in our nation has increased during the

last decade.(46) These inequities are of particular concern because they reflect the uneven

distribution of power in our society. They suggest that the level of participation in the political and

social spheres is also very uneven.

185. Catholic social teaching does not require absolute equality in the distribution of income

and wealth. Some degree of inequality is not only acceptable, but may be considered desirable for

economic and social reasons, such as the need for incentives and the provision of greater rewards

for greater risks. However, unequal distribution should be evaluated in terms of several moral

principles we have enunciated: the priority of meeting the basic needs of the poor and the

importance of increasing the level of participation by all members of society in the economic life of

the nation. These norms establish a strong presumption against extreme inequality of income and

wealth as long as there are poor, hungry, and homeless people in our midst. They also suggest that

extreme inequalities are detrimental to the development of social solidarity and community. In view

of these norms we find the disparities of income and wealth in the United States to be unacceptable.

Justice requires that all members of our society work for economic, political, and social reforms that

will decrease these inequities.

3. Guidelines for Action

186. Our recommendations for dealing with poverty in the United States build upon several

moral principles that were explored in chapter two of this letter. The themes of human dignity and

the preferential option for the poor are at the heart of our approach; they compel us to confront the

issue of poverty with a real sense of urgency.

Selected Economic Policy Issues

187. The principle of social solidarity suggests that alleviating poverty will require fundamental

changes in social and economic structures that perpetuate glaring inequalities and cut off millions of

citizens from full participation in the economic and social life of the nation. The process of change

should be one that draws together all citizens, whatever their economic status, into one community.

188. The principle of participation leads us to the conviction that the most appropriate and

fundamental solutions to poverty will be those that enable people to take control of their own lives.

For poverty is not merely the lack of adequate financial resources. It entails a more profound kind

of deprivation, a denial of full participation in the economic, social, and political life of society and

an inability to influence decisions that affect one's life. It means being powerless in a way that

assaults not only one's pocketbook but also one's fundamental human dignity. Therefore, we should

seek solutions that enable the poor to help themselves through such means as employment.

Paternalistic programs which do too much for and too little with the poor are to be avoided.

189. The responsibility for alleviating the plight of the poor falls upon all members of society.

As individuals, all citizens have a duty to assist the poor through acts of charity and personal

commitment. But private charity and voluntary action are not sufficient. We also carry out our

moral responsibility to assist and empower the poor by working collectively through government to

establish just and effective public policies.

190. Although the task of alleviating poverty is complex and demanding, we should be

encouraged by examples of our nation's past successes in this area. Our history shows that we can

reduce poverty. During the 1960s and early 1970s, the official poverty rate was cut in half, due not

only to a healthy economy, but also to public policy decisions that improved the nation's income

transfer programs. It is estimated, for example, that in the late 1970s federal benefit programs were

lifting out of poverty about 70 percent of those who would have otherwise been poor.(47)

191. During the last twenty-five years, the Social Security Program has dramatically reduced

poverty among the elderly.(48) In addition, in 1983 it lifted out of poverty almost 1.5 million

children of retired, deceased, and disabled workers.(49) Medicare has enhanced the life expectancy

and health status of elderly and disabled people, and Medicaid has reduced infant mortality and

greatly improved access to health care for the poor.(50)

192. These and other successful social welfare programs are evidence of our nation's

commitment to social justice and a decent life for everyone. They also indicate that we have the

capacity to design programs that are effective and provide necessary assistance to the needy in a

way that respects their dignity. Yet it is evident that not all social welfare programs have been

successful. Some have been ill-designed, ineffective, and wasteful. No one has been more aware of

this than the poor themselves, who have suffered the con-sequences. Where programs have failed,

we should discard them, learn from our mistakes, and fashion a better alternative. Where programs

have succeeded, we should acknowledge that fact and build on those successes. In every instance,

we must summon a new creativity and commitment to eradicate poverty in our midst and to

guarantee all Americans their right to share in the blessings of our land.

193. Before discussing directions for reform in public policy, we must speak frankly about

misunderstandings and stereotypes of the poor. For example, a common misconception is that most

of the poor are racial minorities. In fact, about two-thirds of the poor are white.(51) It is also

frequently suggested that people stay on welfare for many years, do not work, could work if they

wanted to, and have children who will be on welfare. In fact, reliable data shows that these are not

accurate descriptions of most people who are poor and on welfare. Over a decade people move on

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

and off welfare, and less than 1 percent obtain these benefits for all 10 years.(52) Nor is it true that

the rolls of Aid to Families with Dependent Children are filled with able-bodied adults who could

but will not work. The majority of AFDC recipients are young children and their mothers who must

remain at home.(53) These mothers are also accused of having more children so that they can raise

their allowances. The truth is that 70 percent of AFDC families have only one or two children and

that there is little financial advantage in having another. In a given year, almost half of all families

who receive AFDC include an adult who has worked full or part time.(54) Research has

consistently demonstrated that people who are poor have the same strong desire to work that

characterizes the rest of the population.(55)

194. We ask everyone to refrain from actions, words or attitudes that stigmatize the poor, that

exaggerate the benefits received by the poor, and that inflate the amount of fraud in welfare

payments.(56) These are symptoms of a punitive attitude towards the poor. The belief persists in

this country that the poor are poor by choice or through laziness, that anyone can escape poverty by

hard work, and that welfare programs make it easier for people to avoid work. Thus, public attitudes

toward programs for the poor tend to differ sharply from attitudes about other benefits and

programs. Some of the most generous subsidies for individuals and corporations are taken for

granted and are not even called benefits but entitlements.(57) In contrast programs for the poor are

called handouts and receive a great deal of critical attention even though they account for less than

10 percent of the federal budget.(58)

195. We now wish to propose several elements which we believe are necessary for a national

strategy to deal with poverty. We offer this not as a comprehensive list but as an invitation for

others to join the discussion and take up the task of fighting poverty.

196. a. The first line of attack against poverty must be to build and sustain a healthy economy

that provides employment opportunities at just wages for all adults who are able to work. Poverty is

intimately linked to the issue of employment. Millions are poor because they have lost their jobs or

because their wages are too low. The persistent high levels of unemployment during the last decade

are a major reason why poverty has increased in recent years.(59) Expanded employment especially

in the private sector would promote human dignity, increase social solidarity, and promote self-

reliance of the poor. It should also reduce the need for welfare programs and generate the income

necessary to support those who remain in need and cannot work: elderly, disabled, and chronically

ill people, and single parents of young children. It should also be recognized that the persistence of

poverty harms the larger society because the depressed purchasing power of the poor contributes to

the periodic cycles of stagnation in the economy.

197. In recent years the minimum wage has not been adjusted to keep pace with inflation. Its

real value has declined by 24 percent since 1981. We believe Congress should raise the minimum

wage in order to restore some of the purchasing power it has lost due to inflation.

198. While job creation and just wages are major elements of a national strategy against

poverty, they are clearly not enough. Other more specific policies are necessary to remedy the

institutional causes of poverty and to provide for those who cannot work.

199. b. Vigorous action should be undertaken to remove barriers to full and equal employment

for women and minorities. Too many women and minorities are locked into jobs with low pay, poor

working conditions and little opportunity for career advancement. So long as we tolerate a situation

in which people can work full time and still be below the poverty line—a situation common among

those earning the minimum wage—too many will continue to be counted among the "working

Selected Economic Policy Issues

poor." Concerted efforts must be made through job training, affirmative action, and other means to

assist those now prevented from obtaining more lucrative jobs. Action should also be taken to

upgrade poorer paying jobs and to correct wage differentials that discriminate unjustly against

women.

200. c. Self-help efforts among the poor should be fostered by programs and policies in both

the private and public sectors. We believe that an effective way to attack poverty is through

programs that are small in scale, locally based, and oriented toward empowering the poor to become

self-sufficient. Corporations, private organizations, and the public sector can provide seed money,

training and technical assistance, and organizational support for self-help projects in a wide variety

of areas such as low-income housing, credit unions, worker cooperatives, legal assistance, and

neighborhood and community organizations. Efforts that enable the poor to participate in the

ownership and control of economic resources are especially important.

201. Poor people must be empowered to take charge of their own futures and become

responsible for their own economic advancement. Personal motivation and initiative, combined with

social reform, are necessary elements to assist individuals in escaping poverty. By taking advantage

of opportunities for education, employment, and training, and by working together for change, the

poor can help themselves to be full participants in our economic, social, and political life.

202. d. The tax system should be continually evaluated in terms of its impact on the poor. This

evaluation should be guided by three principles. First, the tax system should raise adequate revenues

to pay for the public needs of society, especially to meet the basic needs of the poor. Secondly, the

tax system should be structured according to the principle of progressivity, so that those with

relatively greater financial resources pay a higher rate of taxation. The inclusion of such a principle

in tax policies is an important means of reducing the severe inequalities of income and wealth in the

nation. Action should be taken to reduce or offset the fact that most sales taxes and payroll taxes

place a disproportionate burden on those with lower incomes. Thirdly, families below the official

poverty line should not be required to pay income taxes. Such families are, by definition, without

sufficient resources to purchase the basic necessities of life. They should not be forced to bear the

additional burden of paying income taxes.(60)

203. e. All of society should make a much stronger commitment to education for the poor. Any

long-term solution to poverty in this country must pay serious attention to education, public and

private, in school and out of school. Lack of adequate education, especially in the inner-city setting,

prevents many poor people from escaping poverty. In addition, illiteracy, a problem that affects tens

of millions of Americans, condemns many to joblessness or chronically low wages. Moreover, it

excludes them in many ways from sharing in the political and spiritual life of the community.(61)

Since poverty is fundamentally a problem of powerlessness and marginalization, the importance of

education as a means of overcoming it cannot be overemphasized.

204. Working to improve education in our society is an investment in the future, an investment

that should include both the public and private school systems. Our Catholic schools have the well-

merited reputation of providing excellent education, especially for the poor. Catholic inner-city

schools provide an otherwise unavailable educational alternative for many poor families. They

provide one effective vehicle for disadvantaged students to lift themselves out of poverty. We

commend the work of all those who make great sacrifices to maintain these inner-city schools. We

pledge ourselves to continue the effort to make Catholic schools models of education for the poor.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

205. We also wish to affirm our strong support for the public school system in the United

States. There can be no substitute for quality education in public schools, for that is where the large

majority of all students, including Catholic students, are educated. In Catholic social teaching, basic

education is a fundamental human right.(62) In our society a strong public school system is

essential if we are to protect that right and allow everyone to develop to their maximum ability.

Therefore, we strongly endorse the recent calls for improvements in and support for public

education, including improving the quality of teaching and enhancing the rewards for the teaching

profession.(63) At all levels of education we need to improve the ability of our institutions to

provide the personal and technical skills that are necessary for participation not only in today's labor

market but in contemporary society.

206. f. Policies and programs at all levels should support the strength and stability of families,

especially those adversely affected by the economy. As a nation, we need to examine all aspects of

economic life and assess their effects on families. Employment practices, health insurance policies,

income-security programs, tax policy and service programs can either support or undermine the

abilities of families to fulfill their roles in nurturing children and caring for infirm and dependent

family members.

207. We affirm the principle enunciated by John Paul II that society's institutions and policies

should be structured so that mothers of young children are not forced by economic necessity to

leave their children for jobs outside the home.(64) The nation's social welfare and tax policies

should support parents' decisions to care for their own children and should recognize the work of

parents in the home because of its value for the family and for society.

208. For those children whose parents do work outside the home, there is a serious shortage of

affordable, quality day care. Employers, governments, and private agencies need to improve both

the availability and the quality of child care services. Likewise, families could be assisted by the

establishment of parental leave policies that would assure job security for new parents.

209. The high rate of divorce and the alarming extent of teen age pregnancies in our nation are

distressing signs of the breakdown of traditional family values. These destructive trends are present

in all sectors of society: rich and poor; white, black, and brown; urban and rural. However, for the

poor they tend to be more visible and to have more damaging economic consequences. These

destructive trends must be countered by a revived sense of personal responsibility and commitment

to family values.

210. g. A thorough reform of the nation's welfare and income-support programs should be

undertaken. For millions of poor Americans the only economic safety net is the public welfare

system. The programs that make up this system should serve the needs of the poor in a manner that

respects their dignity and provides adequate support. In our judgment the present welfare system

does not adequately meet these criteria.(65) We believe that several improvements can and should

be made within the framework of existing welfare programs. However, in the long run, more far-

reaching reforms that go beyond the present system will be necessary. Among the immediate

improvements that could be made are the following:

211. (1) Public assistance programs should be designed to assist recipients, wherever possible,

to become self-sufficient through gainful employment. Individuals should not be worse off

economically when they get jobs than when they rely only on public assistance. Under current rules,

people who give up welfare benefits to work in low-paying jobs soon lose their Medicaid benefits.

To help recipients become self-sufficient and reduce dependency on welfare, public assistance

Selected Economic Policy Issues

programs should work in tandem with job creation programs that include provisions for training,

counseling, placement, and child care. Jobs for recipients of public assistance should be fairly

compensated so that workers receive the full benefits and status associated with gainful

employment.

212. (2) Welfare programs should provide recipients with adequate levels of support. This

support should cover basic needs in food, clothing, shelter, health care, and other essentials. At

present only 4 percent of poor families with children receive enough cash welfare benefits to lift

them out of poverty.(66) The combined benefits of AFDC and food stamps typically come to less

than three-fourths of the official poverty level.(67) Those receiving public assistance should not

face the prospect of hunger at the end of the month, homelessness, sending children to school in

ragged clothing, or inadequate medical care.

213. (3) National eligibility standards and a national minimum benefit level for public

assistance programs should be established. Currently welfare eligibility and benefits vary greatly

among states. In 1985 a family of three with no earnings had a maximum AFDC benefit of $96 a

month in Mississippi and $558 a month in Vermont.(68) To remedy these great disparities, which

are far larger than the regional differences in the cost of living, and to assure a floor of benefits for

all needy people, our nation should establish and fund national minimum benefit levels and

eligibility standards in cash assistance programs.(69) The benefits should also be indexed to reflect

changes in the cost of living. These changes reflect standards that our nation has already put in

place for aged and disabled people and veterans. Is it not possible to do the same for the children

and their mothers who receive public assistance?

214. (4) Welfare programs should be available to two-parent as well as single-parent families.

Most states now limit participation in AFDC to families headed by single parents, usually

women.(70) The coverage of this program should be extended to two-parent families so that fathers

who are unemployed or poorly paid do not have to leave home in order for their children to receive

help. Such a change would be a significant step toward strengthening two-parent families who are

poor.

Conclusion

215. The search for a more human and effective way to deal with poverty should not be limited

to short-term reform measures. The agenda for public debate should also include serious discussion

of more fundamental alternatives to the existing welfare system. We urge that proposals for a family

allowance or a children's allowance be carefully examined as a possible vehicle for ensuring a floor

of income support for all children and their families.(71) Special attention is needed to develop new

efforts that are targeted on long-term poverty, which has proven to be least responsive to traditional

social welfare programs. The "negative income tax" is another major policy proposal that deserves

continued discussion.(72) These and other proposals should be part of a creative and ongoing effort

to fashion a system of income support for the poor that protects their basic dignity and provides the

necessary assistance in a just and effective manner.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

C. Food and Agriculture

216. The fundamental test of an economy is its ability to meet the essential human needs of this

generation and future generations in an equitable fashion. Food, water, and energy are essential to

life; their abundance in the United States has tended to make us complacent. But these goods—the

foundation of God's gift of life—are too crucial to be taken for granted. God reminded the people of

Israel that "the land is mine; for you are strangers and guests with me" (Lv 25:23, RSV). Our

Christian faith calls us to contemplate God's creative and sustaining action and to measure our own

collaboration with the Creator in using the earth's resources to meet human needs. While Catholic

social teaching on the care of the environment and the management of natural resources is still in

the process of development, a Christian moral perspective clearly gives weight and urgency to their

use in meeting human needs.

217. No aspect of this concern is more pressing than the nation's food system. We are

concerned that this food system may be in jeopardy as increasing numbers of farm bankruptcies and

foreclosures result in increased concentration of land ownership.(73) We are likewise concerned

about the increasing damage to natural resources resulting from many modern agricultural practices:

the over-consumption of water, the depletion of topsoil, and the pollution of land and water. Finally,

we are concerned about the stark reality of world hunger in spite of food surpluses. Our food

production system is clearly in need of evaluation and reform.

1. U.S. Agriculture—Past and Present

218. The current crisis has to be assessed in the context of the vast diversity of U.S. crops and

climates. For example, subsistence farming in Appalachia, where so much of the land is absentee-

owned and where coal mining and timber production are the major economic interests, has little in

common with family farm grain production in the central Midwest or ranching in the Great Plains.

Likewise, large-scale irrigated fruit, vegetable, and cotton production in the central valley of

California is very different from dairy farming in Wisconsin or tobacco and peanut production in

the Southeast.

219. Two aspects of the complex history of U.S. land and food policy are particularly relevant.

First, the United States entered this century with the ownership of productive land widely

distributed. The Pre-emption Acts of the early 19th century and the Homestead Act of 1862 were an

important part of that history. Wide distribution of ownership was reflected in the number and

decentralization of farms in the United States, a trend that reached its peak in the 1930s. The U.S.

farm system included nearly 7 million owner-operators in 1935.(74) By 1983 the number of U.S.

farms had declined to 2.4 million, and only about 3 percent of the population was engaged in

producing food.(75) Second, U.S. food policy has had a parallel goal of keeping the consumer cost

of food low. As a result, Americans today spend less of their disposable income on food than people

in any other industrialized country.(76)

220. These outcomes require scrutiny. First of all, the loss of farms and the exodus of farmers

from the land have led to the loss of a valued way of life, the decline of many rural communities,

and the increased concentration of land ownership. Second, while low food prices benefit

consumers, who are left with additional income to spend on other goods, these pricing policies put

pressure on farmers to increase output and hold down costs. This has led them to replace human

labor with cheaper energy, expand farm size to employ new technologies favoring larger scale

Selected Economic Policy Issues

operations, neglect soil and water conservation, underpay farm workers, and oppose farmworker

unionization.(77)

221. Today nearly half of U.S. food production comes from the 4 percent of farms with over

$200,000 in gross sales.(78) Many of these largest farms are no longer operated by families, but by

managers hired by owners.(79) Nearly three-quarters of all farms, accounting for only 13 percent of

total farm sales, are comparatively small. They are often run by part-time farmers who derive most

of their income from off-farm employment. The remaining 39 percent of sales comes from the 24

percent of farms grossing between $40,000 and $200,000. It is this group of farmers, located

throughout the country and caught up in the long-term trend toward fewer and larger farms, who are

at the center of the present farm crisis.

222. During the 1970s new markets for farm exports created additional opportunities for profit

and accelerated the industrialization of agriculture, a process already stimulated by new petroleum-

based, large-scale technologies that allowed farmers to cultivate many more acres. Federal tax

policies and farm programs fostered this tendency by encouraging too much capital investment in

agriculture and overemphasizing large scale technologies.(80) The results were greater production,

increases in the value of farmland and heavy borrowing to finance expansion. In the 1980s, with

export markets shrinking and commodity prices and land values declining, many farmers cannot

repay their loans.

223. Their situation has been aggravated by certain "external" factors: persistent high interest

rates that make it difficult to repay or refinance loans, the heavy debt burden of food-deficient

countries, the high value of the dollar, dramatically higher U.S. budget and trade deficits, and

generally reduced international trade following the worldwide recession of the early 1980s. The

United States is unlikely to recapture its former share of the world food and fiber trade, and it is not

necessarily an appropriate goal to attempt to do so. Exports are not the solution to U.S. farm

problems. Past emphasis on production for overseas markets has contributed to the strain on our

natural resource base and has also undermined the efforts of many less developed countries in

attaining self-reliance in feeding their own people. In attempting to correct these abuses, however,

we must not reduce our capability to help meet emergency food needs.

224. Some farmers face financial insolvency because of their own eagerness to take advantage

of what appeared to be favorable investment opportunities. This was partly in response to the

encouragement of public policy incentives and the advice of economists and financiers.

Nevertheless, farmers should share some responsibility for their current plight.

225. Four other aspects of the current situation concern us: first, land ownership is becoming

further concentrated as units now facing bankruptcy are added to existing farms and non-farm

corporations. Diversity of ownership and widespread participation are declining in this sector of the

economy as they have in others. Since differing scales of operation and the investment of family

labor have been important for American farm productivity, the increasing concentration of

ownership in almost all sectors of agriculture points to an important change in that system.(81) Of

particular concern is the growing phenomenon of "vertical integration" whereby companies gain

control of two or three of the links in the food chain: as suppliers of farm inputs, landowners, and

food processors. This increased concentration could also adversely affect food prices.

226. Second, diversity and richness in American society are lost as farm people leave the land

and rural communities decay. It is not just a question of coping with additional unemployment and a

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

need for retraining and relocation. It is also a matter of maintaining opportunities for employment

and human development in a variety of economic sectors and cultural contexts.

227. Third, although the United States has set a world standard for food production, it has not

done so without cost to our natural resource base.(82) On nearly one-quarter of our most productive

cropland, topsoil erosion currently exceeds the rate at which it can be replaced by natural processes.

Similarly, underground water supplies are being depleted in areas where food production depends

on irrigation. Furthermore, chemical fertilizers, pesticides, and herbicides, considered now almost

essential to today's agriculture, pollute the air, water, and soil, and pose countless health hazards.

Finally, where the expansion of residential, industrial, and recreational areas makes it rewarding to

do so, vast acreages of prime farmland, three million acres per year by some estimates, are

converted to non-farm use. The continuation of these practices, reflecting short-term investment

interests or immediate income needs of farmers and other landowners, constitutes a danger to future

food production because these practices are not sustainable.

228. Farm owners and farmworkers are the immediate stewards of the natural resources

required to produce the food that is necessary to sustain life. These resources must be understood as

gifts of a generous God. When they are seen in that light and when the human race is perceived as a

single moral community, we gain a sense of the substantial responsibility we bear as a nation for the

world food system. Meeting human needs today and in the future demands an increased sense of

stewardship and conservation from owners, managers, and regulators of all resources, especially

those required for the production of food.

229. Fourth, the situation of racial minorities in the U.S. food system is a matter of special

pastoral concern. They are largely excluded from significant participation in the farm economy.

Despite the agrarian heritage of so many Hispanics, for example, they operate only a minute

fraction of America's farms.(83) Black-owned farms, at one time a significant resource for black

participation in the economy, have been disappearing at a dramatic rate in recent years,(84) a trend

that the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights has warned "can only serve to further diminish the stake

of blacks in the social order and reinforce their skepticism regarding the concept of equality under

the law."(85)

230. It is largely as hired farm laborers rather than farm owners that minorities participate in

the farm economy. Along with many white farm workers, they are by and large the poorest paid and

least benefited of any laboring group in the country. Moreover, they are not as well protected by law

and public policy as other groups of workers; and their efforts to organize and bargain collectively

have been systematically and vehemently resisted, usually by farmers themselves. Migratory field

workers are particularly susceptible to exploitation. This is reflected not only in their

characteristically low wages but in the low standards of housing, health care, and education made

available to these workers and their families.(86)

2. Guidelines for Action

231. We are convinced that current trends in the food sector are not in the best interests of the

United States or of the global community. The decline in the number of moderate-sized farms,

increased concentration of land ownership, and the mounting evidence of poor resource

conservation raise serious questions of morality and public policy. As pastors, we cannot remain

silent while thousands of farm families caught in the present crisis lose their homes, their land, and

their way of life. We approach this situation, however, aware that it reflects longer-term conditions

Selected Economic Policy Issues

that carry consequences for the food system as a whole and for the resources essential for food

production.

232. While much of the change needed must come from the cooperative efforts of farmers

themselves, we strongly believe that there is an important role for public policy in the protection of

dispersed ownership through family farms, as well as in the preservation of natural resources. We

suggest three guidelines for both public policy and private efforts aimed at shaping the future of

American agriculture.

233. First, moderate-sized farms operated by families on a full-time basis should be preserved

and their economic viability protected. Similarly, small farms and part-time farming, particularly in

areas close to cities, should be encouraged. As we have noted elsewhere in this pastoral letter,(87)

there is genuine social and economic value in maintaining a wide distribution in the ownership of

productive property. The democratization of decision making and control of the land resulting from

wide distribution of farm ownership are protections against concentration of power and a

consequent possible loss of responsiveness to public need in this crucial sector of the economy.(88)

Moreover, when those who work in an enterprise also share in its ownership, their active

commitment to the purpose of the endeavor and their participation in it are enhanced. Ownership

provides incentives for diligence and is a source of an increased sense that the work being done is

one's own. This is particularly significant in a sector as vital to human well-being as agriculture.

234. Furthermore, diversity in farm ownership tends to prevent excessive consumer

dependence on business decisions that seek maximum return on invested capital, thereby making

the food system overly susceptible to fluctuations in the capital markets. This is particularly relevant

in the case of non-farm corporations that enter agriculture in search of high profits. If the return

drops substantially or if it appears that better profits can be obtained by investing elsewhere, the

corporation may cut back or even close down operations without regard to the impact on the

community or on the food system in general. In similar circumstances full-time farmers, with a

heavy personal investment in their farms and strong ties to the community, are likely to persevere in

the hope of better times. Family farms also make significant economic and social contributions to

the life of rural communities.(89) They support farm suppliers and other local merchants, and their

farms support the tax base needed to pay for roads, schools, and other vital services.

235. This rural interdependence has value beyond the rural community itself. Both Catholic

social teaching and the traditions of our country have emphasized the importance of maintaining the

rich plurality of social institutions that enhances personal freedom and increases the opportunity for

participation in community life. Movement toward a smaller number of very large farms employing

wage workers would be a movement away from this institutional pluralism. By contributing to the

vitality of rural communities, full-time residential farmers enrich the social and political life of the

nation as a whole. Cities, too, benefit soundly and economically from a vibrant rural economy based

on family farms. Because of out-migration of farm and rural people, too much of this enriching

diversity has been lost already.

236. Second, the opportunity to engage in farming should be protected as a valuable form of

work. At a time when unemployment in the country is already too high, any unnecessary increase in

the number of unemployed people, however small, should be avoided. Farm unemployment leads to

further rural unemployment as rural businesses lose their customers and close down. The loss of

people from the land also entails the loss of expertise in farm and land management and creates a

need for retraining and relocating another group of displaced workers.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

237. Losing any job is painful, but losing one's farm and having to leave the land can be tragic.

It often means the sacrifice of a family heritage and a way of life. Once farmers sell their land and

their equipment, their move is practically irreversible. The costs of returning are so great that few

who leave ever come back. Even the small current influx of people into agriculture attracted by

lower land values will not balance this loss. Society should help those who would and could

continue effectively in farming.

238. Third, effective stewardship of our natural resources should be a central consideration in any

measures regarding U.S. agriculture. Such stewardship is a contribution to the common good that is

difficult to assess in purely economic terms, because it involves the care of resources entrusted to us

by our Creator for the benefit of all. Responsibility for the stewardship of these resources rests on

society as a whole. Since farmers make their living from the use of this endowment, however, they

bear a particular obligation to be caring stewards of soil and water. They fulfill this obligation by

participating in soil and water conservation programs, using farm practices that enhance the quality

of all resources and maintaining prime farm land in food production rather than letting it be

converted to non-farm uses.

3. Policies and Actions

239. The human suffering involved in the present situation and the long-term structural changes

occurring in this sector call for responsible action by the whole society. A half-century of federal

farm-price supports, subsidized credit, production-oriented research and extension services, and

special tax policies for farmers have made the federal government a central factor in almost every

aspect of American agriculture.(90) No redirection of current trends can occur without giving close

attention to these programs.

240. A prime consideration in all agricultural trade and food-assistance policies should be the

contribution our nation can make to global food security. This means continuing and increasing

food aid without depressing Third World markets or using food as a weapon in international

politics. It also means not subsidizing exports in ways that lead to trade wars and instability in

international food markets.

241. We offer the following suggestions for governmental action with regard to the farm and

food sector of the economy.

242. a. The current crisis calls for special measures to assist otherwise viable family farms that

are threatened with bankruptcy or foreclosure. Operators of such farms should have access to

emergency credit, reduced rates of interest and programs of debt restructuring. Rural lending

institutions facing problems because of nonpayment or slow payment of large farm loans should

also have access to temporary assistance. Farmers, their families, and their communities will gain

immediately from these and other short-term measures aimed at keeping these people on the land.

243. b. Established federal farm programs, whose benefits now go disproportionately to the

largest farmers,(91) should be reassessed for their long-term effects on the structure of agriculture.

Income-support programs that help farmers according to the amount of food they produce or the

number of acres they farm should be subject to limits that ensure a fair income to all farm families

and should restrict participation to producers who genuinely need such income assistance. There

should also be a strict ceiling on price-support payments which assist farmers in times of falling

prices so that benefits go to farms of moderate or small size. To succeed in redirecting the benefits

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of these programs while holding down costs to the public, consideration should be given to a

broader application of mandatory production control programs.(92)

244. c. We favor reform of tax policies which now encourage the growth of large farms, attract

investments into agriculture by non farmers seeking tax shelters, and inequitably benefit large and

well-financed farming operations.(93) Offsetting non farm income with farm "losses" has

encouraged high-income investors to acquire farm assets with no intention of depending on them

for a living as family farmers must. The ability to depreciate capital equipment faster than its actual

decline in value has benefited wealthy investors and farmers. Lower tax rates on capital gains have

stimulated farm expansion and larger investments in energy-intensive equipment and technologies

as substitutes for labor. Changes in estate tax laws have consistently favored the largest estates. All

of these results have demonstrated that reassessment of these and similar tax provisions is

needed.(94) We continue, moreover, to support a progressive land tax on farm acreage to

discourage the accumulation of excessively large holdings.(95)

245. d. Although it is often assumed that farms must grow in size in order to make the most

efficient and productive use of sophisticated and costly technologies, numerous studies have shown

that medium-sized commercial farms achieve most of the technical cost efficiencies available in

agriculture today. We therefore recommend that the research and extension resources of the federal

government and the nation's land-grant colleges and universities be redirected toward improving the

productivity of small and medium-sized farms.(96)

246. e. Since soil and water conservation, like other efforts to protect the environment, are

contributions to the good of the whole society, it is appropriate for the public to bear a share of the

cost of these practices and to set standards for environmental protection. Government should,

therefore, encourage farmers to adopt more conserving practices and distribute the costs of this

conservation more broadly.

247. f. Justice demands that worker guarantees and protections such as minimum wages and

benefits and unemployment compensation be extended to hired farmworkers on the same basis as

all other workers. There is also an urgent need for additional farmworker housing, health care, and

educational assistance.

4. Solidarity in the Farm Community

248. While there is much that government can and should do to change the direction of farm

and food policy in this country, that change in direction also depends upon the cooperation and

good will of farmers. The incentives in our farm system to take risks, to expand farm size, and to

speculate in farmland values are great. Hence, farmers and ranchers must weigh these incentives

against the values of family, rural community, care of the soil, and a food system responsive to

long-term as well as short-term food needs of the nation and the world. The ever-present temptation

to individualism and greed must be countered by a determined movement toward solidarity in the

farm community. Farmers should approach farming in a cooperative way, working with other

farmers in the purchase of supplies and equipment and in the marketing of produce. It is not

necessary for every farmer to be in competition against every other farmer. Such cooperation can be

extended to the role farmers play through their various general and community organizations in

shaping and implementing governmental farm and food policies.(97) Likewise, it is possible to seek

out and adopt technologies that reduce costs and enhance productivity without demanding increases

in farm size. New technologies are not forced on farmers; they are chosen by farmers themselves.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

249. Fanners also must end their opposition to farmworker unionization efforts. Farmworkers

have a legitimate right to belong to unions of their choice and to bargain collectively for just wages

and working conditions. In pursuing that right they are protecting the value of labor in agriculture, a

protection that also applies to farmers who devote their own labor to their farm operations.

5. Conclusion

250. The U.S. food system is an integral part of the larger economy of the nation and the world.

As such this integral role necessitates the cooperation of rural and urban interests in resolving the

challenges and problems facing agriculture. The very nature of agricultural enterprise and the

family farm traditions of this country have kept it a highly competitive sector with a widely

dispersed ownership of the most fundamental input to production, the land. That competitive,

diverse structure, proven to be a dependable source of nutritious and affordable food for this

country and millions of people in other parts of the world, is now threatened. The food necessary for

life, the land and water resources needed to produce that food, and the way of life of the people who

make the land productive are at risk. Catholic social and ethical traditions attribute moral

significance to each of these. Our response to the present situation should reflect a sensitivity to that

moral significance, a determination that the United States will play its appropriate role in meeting

global food needs, and a commitment to bequeath to future generations an enhanced natural

environment and the same ready access to the necessities of life that most of us enjoy today. To

farmers and farm workers who are suffering because of the farm crisis, we promise our solidarity,

prayers, counseling, and the other spiritual resources of our Catholic faith.

D. The U.S. Economy and the Developing Nations: Complexity,

Challenge, and Choices

1. The Complexity of Economic Relations in an Interdependent World

251. The global economy is made up of national economies of industrialized countries of the

North and the developing countries of the South, together with the network of economic relations

that link them. It constitutes the framework in which the solidarity we seek on a national level finds

its international expression. Traditional Catholic teaching on this global interdependence

emphasizes the dignity of the human person, the unity of the human family, the universally

beneficial purpose of the goods of the earth, the need to pursue the international common good, as

well as the common good of each nation, and the imperative of distributive justice. The United

States plays a leading role in the international economic system, and we are concerned that U.S.

relations with all nations—Canada, Japan, European countries and our other trading partners, as

well as the socialist countries—reflect this teaching and be marked by fairness and mutual respect.

252. Nevertheless, without in the least discounting the importance of these linkages, our

emphasis on the preferential option for the poor moves us to focus our attention mainly on U.S.

relations with the Third World. Unless conscious steps are taken toward protecting human dignity

and fostering human solidarity in these relationships, we can look forward to increased conflict and

inequity, threatening the fragile economies of these relatively poor nations far more than our own

relatively strong one. Moreover, equity requires, even as the fact of interdependence becomes more

apparent, that the quality of interdependence be improved, in order to eliminate "the scandal of the

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shocking inequality between the rich and the poor"(98) in a world divided ever more sharply

between them.

253. Developing countries, moreover, often perceive themselves more as dependent on the

industrialized countries, especially the United States, because the international system itself, as well

as the way the United States acts in it, subordinates them. The prices at which they must sell their

commodity exports and purchase their food and manufactured imports, the rates of interest they

must pay and the terms they must meet to borrow money, the standards of economic behavior of

foreign investors, the amounts and conditions of external aid, etc., are essentially determined by the

industrialized world. Moreover, their traditional cultures are increasingly susceptible to the

aggressive cultural penetration of Northern (especially U.S.) advertising and media programming.

The developing countries are junior partners at best.

254. The basic tenets of church teaching take on a new moral urgency as we deepen our

understanding of how disadvantaged large numbers of people and nations are in this interdependent

world. Half the world's people, nearly 2.5 billion, live in countries where the annual per capita

income is $400 or less.(99) At least 800 million people in those countries live in absolute poverty,

"beneath any rational definition of human decency."(100) Nearly half a billion are chronically

hungry, despite abundant harvests worldwide.(101) Fifteen out of every 100 children born in those

countries die before the age of 5, and millions of the survivors are physically or mentally stunted.

No aggregate of individual examples could portray adequately the appalling inequities within those

desperately poor countries and between them and our own. And their misery is not the inevitable

result of the march of history or of the intrinsic nature of particular cultures, but of human decisions

and human institutions.

255. On the international economic scene three main sets of actors warrant particular attention:

individual nations, which retain great influence; multilateral institutions, which channel money,

power, ideas, and influence; transnational corporations and banks, which have grown dramatically

in number, size, scope and strength since World War II.(102) In less identifiable ways trade unions,

popular movements, private relief and development agencies and regional groupings of nations also

affect the global economy. The interplay among all of them sets the context for policy choices that

determine whether genuine interdependence is promoted or the dependence of the disadvantaged is

deepened.

256. In this arena, where fact and ethical challenges intersect, the moral task is to devise rules

for the major actors that will move them toward a just international order. One of the most vexing

problems is that of reconciling the transnational corporations' profit orientation with the common

good that they, along with governments and their multilateral agencies, are supposed to serve.

257. The notion of interdependence erases the fading line between domestic and foreign policy.

Many foreign policy decisions (for example, on trade, investment, and immigration) have direct and

substantial impact on domestic constituencies in the United States. Similarly, many decisions

thought of as domestic (for example, on farm policy, interest rates, the federal budget, or the deficit)

have important consequences for other countries. This increasingly recognized link of domestic and

foreign issues poses new empirical and moral questions for national policy.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

2. The Challenge of Catholic Social Teaching

258. Catholic teaching on the international economic order recognizes this complexity, but does

not provide specific solutions. Rather, we seek to ensure that moral considerations are taken into

account. All of the elements of the moral perspective we have outlined above have important

implications for international relationships. (1) The demands of Christian love and human solidarity

challenge all economic actors to choose community over chaos. They require a definition of

political community that goes beyond national sovereignty to policies that recognize the moral

bonds among all people. (2) Basic justice implies that all peoples are entitled to participate in the

increasingly interdependent global economy in a way that ensures their freedom and dignity. When

whole communities are effectively left out or excluded from equitable participation in the

international order, basic justice is violated. We want a world that works fairly for all. (3) Respect

for human rights, both political and economic, implies that international decisions, institutions, and

policies must be shaped by values that are more than economic. The creation of a global order in

which these rights are secure for all must be a prime objective for all relevant actors on the

international stage. (4) The special place of the poor in this moral perspective means that meeting

the basic needs of the millions of deprived and hungry people in the world must be the number one

objective of international policy.

259. These perspectives constitute a call for fundamental reform in the international economic

order. Whether the problem is preventing war and building peace or addressing the needs of the

poor, Catholic teaching emphasizes not only the individual conscience, but also the political, legal,

and economic structures through which policy is determined and issues are adjudicated.(103) We do

not seek here to evaluate the various proposals for international economic reform or deal here with

economic relations between the United States and other industrialized countries. We urge, as a basic

and overriding consideration, that both empirical and moral evidence, especially the precarious

situation of the developing countries, calls for the renewal of the dialogue between the

industrialized countries of the North and the developing countries of the South, with the aim of

reorganizing international economic relations to establish greater equity and help meet the basic

human needs of the poor majority.(104)

260. Here, as elsewhere, the preferential option for the poor is the central priority for policy

choice. It offers a unique perspective on foreign policy in whose light U.S. relationships, especially

with developing countries, can be reassessed. Standard foreign policy analysis deals with

calculations of power and definitions of national interest; but the poor are, by definition, not

powerful. If we are to give appropriate weight to their concerns, their needs, and their interests, we

have to go beyond economic gain or national security as a starting point for the policy dialogue. We

want to stand with the poor everywhere, and we believe that relations between the United States and

developing nations should be determined in the first place by a concern for basic human needs and

respect for cultural traditions.

3. The Role of the United States in the Global Economy: Constructive

Choices

261. As we noted in The Challenge of Peace, recent popes have strongly supported the United

Nations as a crucial step forward in the development and organization of the human community; we

share their regret that no international political entity now exists with the responsibility and power

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to promote the global common good, and we urge the United States to support UN efforts to move

in that direction. Building a just world economic order in the absence of such an authority demands

that national governments promote public policies that increase the ability of poor nations and

marginalized people to participate in the global economy. Because no other nation's economic

power yet matches ours, we believe that this responsibility pertains especially to the United States;

but it must be carried out in cooperation with other industrialized countries as in the case of halting

the rise of the dollar. This is yet another evidence of the fact of interdependence. Joint action toward

these goals not only promotes justice and reduces misery in the Third World, but also is in the

interest of the United States and other industrialized nations.

262. Yet in recent years U.S. policy toward development in the Third World has become

increasingly one of selective assistance based on an East-West assessment of North-South

problems, at the expense of basic human needs and economic development. Such a view makes

national security the central policy principle.(105) Developing countries have become largely

testing grounds in the East-West struggle; they seem to have meaning or value mainly in terms of

this larger geopolitical calculus. The result is that issues of human need and economic development

take second place to the political-strategic argument. This tendency must be resisted.

263. Moreover, U.S. performance in North-South negotiations often casts us in the role of

resisting developing-country proposals without advancing realistic ones of our own.(106) North-

South dialogue is bound to be complex, protracted, and filled with symbolic and often unrealistic

demands; but the situation has now reached the point where the rest of the world expects the United

States to assume a reluctant, adversarial posture in such discussions. The U.S. approach to the

developing countries needs urgently to be changed; a country as large, rich, and powerful as ours

has a moral obligation to lead in helping to reduce poverty in the Third World.

264. We believe that U.S. policy toward the developing world should reflect our traditional

regard for human rights and our concern for social progress. In economic policy, as we noted in our

pastoral letter on nuclear war, the major international economic relationships of aid, trade, finance,

and investment are interdependent among themselves and illustrate the range of interdependence

issues facing U.S. policy. All three of the major economic actors are active in all these relationships.

Each relationship offers us the possibility of substantial, positive movement toward increasing

social justice in the developing world; in each, regrettably, we fall short. It is urgent that immediate

steps be taken to correct these deficiencies.

265. a. Development Assistance: The official development assistance that the industrialized and

the oil-producing countries provide the Third World in the form of grants, low-interest/long-term

loans, commodities, and technical assistance is a significant contribution to their development.

Although the annual share of U.S. gross national product (GNP) devoted to foreign aid is now less

than one-tenth of that of the Marshall Plan, which helped rebuild devastated but advanced European

economies, we remain the largest donor country. We still play a central role in these resource

transfers, but we no longer set an example for other donors. We lag proportionately behind most

other industrial nations in providing resources and seem to care less than before about development

in the Third World. Our bilateral aid has become increasingly militarized and security-related and

our contributions to multilateral agencies have been reduced in recent years.(107) Not all of these

changes are justifiable. The projects of the International Development Agency, for example, seem

to be worthy of support.

266. This is a grave distortion of the priority that development assistance should command. We

are dismayed that the United States, once the pioneer in foreign aid, is almost last among the

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

seventeen industrialized nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development

(OECD) in percentage of GNP devoted to aid. Reduction of the U.S. contribution to multilateral

development institutions is particularly regrettable, because these institutions are often better able

than the bilateral agencies to focus on the poor and reduce dependency in developing

countries.(108) This is also an area in which, in the past, our leadership and example have had great

influence. A more affirmative U.S. role in these institutions, which we took the lead in creating,

could improve their performance, send an encouraging signal of U.S. intentions and help reopen the

dialogue on the growing poverty and dependency of the Third World.

267. b. Trade: Trade continues to be a central component of international economic relations. It

contributed in a major way to the rapid economic growth of many developing countries in the 1960s

and 1970s and will probably continue to do so, though at a slower rate. The preferential option for

the poor does not, by itself, yield a trade policy; but it does provide a frame of reference. In

particular, an equitable trading system that will help the poor should allocate its benefits fairly and

ensure that exports from developing countries receive fair prices reached by agreement among all

trading partners. Developing nations have a right to receive a fair price for their raw materials that

allows for a reasonable degree of profit.

268. Trade policy illustrates the conflicting pressures that interdependence can generate: claims

of injustice from developing countries denied market access are countered by claims of injustice in

the domestic economies of industrialized countries when jobs are threatened and incomes fall.

Agricultural trade and a few industrial sectors present particularly acute examples of this.

269. We believe the ethical norms we have applied to domestic economic questions are equally

valid here.(109) As in other economic matters, the basic questions are: Who benefits from the

particular policy measure? How can any benefit or adverse impact be equitably shared? We need to

examine, for example, the extent to which the success in the U.S. market of certain imports is

derived from exploitative labor conditions in the exporting country, conditions that in some cases

have attracted the investment in the first place. The United States should do all it can to ensure that

the trading system treats the poorest segments of developing countries' societies fairly and does not

lead to human rights violations. In particular the United States should seek effective special

measures under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)(110) to benefit the poorest

countries.

270. At the same time, U.S. workers and their families hurt by the operation of the trading

system must be helped through training and other measures to adjust to changes that advance

development and decrease poverty in the Third World. This is a very serious, immediate, and

intensifying problem. In our judgment, adjustment assistance programs in the United States have

been poorly designed and administered and inadequately funded. A society and an economy such as

ours can better adjust to trade dislocations than can poverty-ridden developing countries.

271. c. Finance: Aid and trade policies alone, however enlightened, do not constitute a

sufficient approach to the developing countries; they must also be looked at in conjunction with

international finance and investment. The debtor-creditor relationship well exemplifies both the

interdependence of the international economic order and its asymmetrical character, i.e., the

dependence of the developing countries. The aggregate external debt of the developing countries

now approaches $1 trillion,(111) more than one-third of their combined GNP; this total doubled

between 1979 and 1984, and continues to rise. On average, the first 20 percent of export earnings

goes to service that debt without significantly reducing the principal; in some countries debt service

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is nearly 100 percent of such earnings, leaving scant resources available for the countries'

development programs.

272. The roots of this very complex debt crisis are both historic and systemic. Historically, the

three major economic actors share the responsibility for the present difficulty because of decisions

made and actions taken during the 1970s and 1980s. In 1972 the Soviet Union purchased the entire

U.S. grain surplus, and grain prices trebled. Between 1973 and 1979, the Organization of Petroleum

Exporting Countries raised the price of oil eightfold and thereafter deposited most of the profits in

commercial banks in the North. In order to profit from the interest-rate spread on these deposits, the

banks pushed larger and larger loans on eager Third World borrowers needing funds to purchase

more and more expensive oil. A second doubling of oil prices in 1979 forced many of these

countries to refinance their loans and borrow more money at escalating interest rates. A global

recession beginning in 1979 caused the prices of Third World export commodities to fall and thus

reduced their ability to meet the increasingly burdensome debt payments out of export earnings.

273. The global system of finance, development, and trade established by the Bretton Woods

Conference in 1944—the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the GATT—

was created by the North to prevent a recurrence of the economic problems that were perceived to

have led to World War II. Forty years later that system seems incapable, without basic changes, of

helping the debtor countries—which had no part in its creation—manage their increasingly

untenable debt situation effectively and equitably. The World Bank, largest of these institutions, has

been engaged primarily in lending for specific projects rather than for general economic health. The

IMF was intended to be a short-term lender that would help out with temporary balance of

payments, or cash-flow problems; but in the current situation it has come to the fore as a monitor of

commercial financial transactions and an evaluator of debtors' creditworthiness—and therefore the

key institution for resolving these problems. The GATT, which is not an institution, had been

largely supplanted as trade monitor for the developing countries by UNCTAD,(112) in which the

latter have more confidence.

274. This crisis, however, goes beyond the system; it affects people. It afflicts and oppresses

large numbers of people who are already severely disadvantaged. That is the scandal: It is the

poorest people who suffer most from the austerity measures required when a country seeks the IMF

"seal of approval" which establishes its creditworthiness for a commercial loan (or perhaps an

external aid program). It is these same people who suffer most when commodity prices fall, when

food cannot be imported or they cannot buy it, and when natural disasters occur. Our commitment

to the preferential option for the poor does not permit us to remain silent in these circumstances.

Ways must be found to meet the immediate emergency—moratorium on payments, conversion of

some dollar-denominated debt into local-currency debt, creditors' accepting a share of the burden by

partially writing down selected loans, capitalizing interest, or perhaps outright cancellation.

275. The poorest countries, especially those in sub-Saharan Africa which are least developed,

most afflicted by hunger and malnutrition, and most vulnerable to commodity price declines, are in

extremely perilous circumstances.(113) Although their aggregate debt of more than $100 billion

(much of it owed to multilateral institutions), is about one-quarter that of Latin America, their

collateral (oil, minerals, manufactures, grain, etc.) is much less adequate, their ability to service

external debt much weaker and the possibility of their rescheduling it very small. For low-income

countries like these, the most useful immediate remedies are longer payment periods, lower interest

rates, and modification of IMF adjustment requirements that exacerbate the already straitened

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

circumstances of the poor.(114) Especially helpful for some African countries would be

cancellation of debts owed to governments, a step already taken by some creditor nations.

276. Better off debtor countries also need to be able to adjust their debts without penalizing the

poor. Although the final policy decisions about the allocation of adjustment costs belong to the

debtor government, internal equity considerations should be taken into account in determining the

conditions of debt rescheduling and additional lending; for example, wage reductions should not be

mandated, basic public services to the poor should not be cut, and measures should be required to

reduce the flight of capital. Since this debt problem, like most others, is systemic, a case-by-case

approach is not sufficient: lending policies and exchange-rate considerations are not only economic

questions, but are thoroughly and intensely political.

277. Beyond all this, the growing external debt that has become the overarching economic

problem of the Third World also requires systemic change to provide immediate relief and to

prevent recurrence. The Bretton Woods institutions do not adequately represent Third World

debtors, and their policies are not dealing effectively with problems affecting those nations. These

institutions need to be substantially reformed and their policies reviewed at the same time that the

immediate problem of Third World debt is being dealt with. The United States should promote,

support, and participate fully in such reforms and reviews. Such a role is not only morally right, but

is in the economic interest of the United States; more than a third of this debt is owed to U.S. banks.

The viability of the international banking system (and of those U.S. banks) depends in part on the

ability of debtor countries to manage those debts. Stubborn insistence on full repayment could force

them to default—which would lead to economic losses in the United States. In this connection, we

should not overlook the impact of U.S. budget and trade deficits on interest rates. These high

interest rates exacerbate the already difficult debt situation. They also attract capital away from

investment in economic development in Third World countries.

278. d. Foreign Private Investment: Although direct private investment in the developing

countries by U.S.-based transnational corporations has declined in recent years, it still amounts to

about $60 billion and accounts for sizable annual transfers. Such investment in developing countries

should be increased, consistent with the host country's development goals and with benefits

equitably distributed. Particular efforts should be made to encourage investments by medium-sized

and small companies, as well as to joint ventures, which may be more appropriate to the developing

country's situation. For the foreseeable future, however, private investment will probably not meet

the infrastructural needs of the poorest countries—roads, transportation, communications,

education, health, etc.— since these do not generally show profits and therefore do not attract

private capital. Yet without this infrastructure, no real economic growth can take place.

279. Direct foreign investment, risky though it may be for both the investing corporation and

the developing country, can provide needed capital, technology, and managerial expertise. Care

must be taken lest such investment create or perpetuate dependency, harming especially those at the

bottom of the economic ladder. Investments that sustain or worsen inequities in a developing

country, that help to maintain oppressive elites in power, or that increase food dependency by

encouraging cash cropping for export at the expense of local needs, should be discouraged. Foreign

investors, attracted by low wage rates in less developed countries, should consider both the potential

loss of jobs in the home country and the potential exploitation of workers in the host country.(115)

Both the products and the technologies of the investing firms should be appropriate to the

developing country, neither catering just to a small number of high-income consumers, nor

establishing capital-intensive processes that displace labor, especially in the agricultural

sector.(116)

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280. Such inequitable results, however, are not necessary consequences of transnational

corporate activity. Corporations can contribute to development by attracting and training high-

caliber managers and other personnel, by helping organize effective marketing systems, by

generating additional capital, by introducing or reinforcing financial accountability, and by sharing

the knowledge gained from their own research and development activities. Although the ability of

the corporations to plan, operate, and communicate across national borders without concern for

domestic considerations makes it harder for governments to direct their activities toward the

common good, the effort should be made; the Christian ethic is incompatible with a primary or

exclusive focus on maximization of profit. We strongly urge U.S. and international support of

efforts to develop a code of conduct for foreign corporations that recognizes their quasi-public

character and encourages both development and the equitable distribution of their benefits.

Transnational corporations should be required to adopt such a code and to conform their behavior to

its provisions.

281. e. The World Food Problem—A Special Urgency: These four resource transfer channels—

aid, trade, finance, and investment—intersect and overlap in all economic areas, but in none more

clearly than in the international food system. The largest single segment of development assistance

support goes to the agricultural sector and to food aid for short-term emergencies and vulnerable

groups; food constitutes one of the most critical trade sectors; developing countries have borrowed

extensively in the international capital markets to finance food imports; and a substantial portion of

direct private investment flows into the agricultural sector.

282. The development of U.S. agriculture has moved the United States into a dominant position

in the international food system. The best way to meet the responsibilities this dominance entails is

to design and implement a U.S. food and agriculture policy that contributes to increased food

security—that is, access by everyone to an adequate diet. A world with nearly half a billion hungry

people is not one in which food security has been achieved. The problem of hunger has a special

significance for those who read the Scriptures and profess the Christian faith. From the Lord's

command to feed the hungry, to the Eucharist we celebrate as the Bread of Life, the fabric of our

faith demands that we be creatively engaged in sharing the food that sustains life. There is no more

basic human need. The gospel imperative takes on new urgency in a world of abundant harvests

where hundreds of millions of people face starvation. Relief and prevention of their hunger cannot

be left to the arithmetic of the marketplace.(117)

283. The chronic hunger of those who live literally from day to day is one symptom of the

underlying problem of poverty; relieving and preventing hunger is part of a larger coordinated

strategy to attack poverty itself. People must be enabled either to grow or to buy the food they need

without depending on an indefinite dole; there is no substitute for long-term agricultural and food-

system development in the nations now caught in the grip of hunger and starvation. Most authorities

agree that the key to this development is the small farmers, most of whom are prevented from

participating in the food system by the lack of a market incentive resulting from the poverty of the

bulk of the populations and by the lack of access to productive agricultural inputs, especially land,

resulting mainly from their own poverty. In these poor, food-deficit countries, no less than in our

own, the small family farm deserves support and protection.

284. But recognizing the long-term problem does not dissolve the short-term obligation of the

world's major food-exporting nation to provide food aid sufficient to meet the nutritional needs of

poor people and to provide it not simply to dispose of surpluses but in a way that does not

discourage local food production. There can be no successful solution to the problem of hunger in

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

the world without U.S. participation in a cooperative effort that simultaneously increases food aid

and launches a long-term program to help develop food self-reliance in food-deficit developing

countries.

285. Hunger is often seen as being linked with the problem of population growth, as effect to

cause. While this relationship is sometimes presented in oversimplified fashion, we cannot fail to

recognize that the earth's resources are finite and that population tends to grow rapidly. Whether the

world can provide a truly human life for twice as many people or more as now live in it (many of

whose lives are sadly deficient today) is a matter of urgent concern that cannot be ignored.(118)

286. Although we do not believe that people are poor and hungry primarily because they have

large families, the Church fully supports the need for all to exercise responsible parenthood. Family

size is heavily dependent on levels of economic development, education, respect for women,

availability of health care, and the cultural traditions of communities. Therefore, in dealing with

population growth we strongly favor efforts to address these social and economic concerns.

287. Population policies must be designed as part of an overall strategy of integral human

development. They must respect the freedom of parents and avoid coercion. As Pope Paul VI has

said concerning population policies:

It is true that too frequently an accelerated demographic increase adds its own difficulties to the

problems of development: the size of the population increases more rapidly than available

resources, and things are found to have reached apparently an impasse. From that moment the

temptation is great to check the demographic increase by means of radical measures. It is certain

that public authorities can intervene, within the limit of their competence, by favoring the

availability of appropriate information and by adopting suitable measures, provided that these be in

conformity with the moral law and that they respect the rightful freedom of married couples. Where

the inalienable right to marriage and procreation is lacking, human dignity has ceased to exist. (119)

4. U.S. Responsibility for Reform in the International Economic

System

288. The United States cannot be the sole savior of the developing world, nor are Third World

countries entirely innocent with respect to their own failures or totally helpless to achieve their own

destinies. Many of these countries will need to initiate positive steps to promote and sustain

development and economic growth—streamline bureaucracies, account for funds, plan reasonable

programs, and take further steps toward empowering their people. Progress toward development

will surely require them to take some tough remedial measures as well: prevent the flight of capital,

reduce borrowing, modify price discrimination against rural areas, eliminate corruption in the use of

funds and other resources, and curtail spending on inefficient public enterprises. The pervasive U.S.

presence in many parts of our interdependent world, however, also creates a responsibility for us to

increase the use of U.S. economic power—not just aid—in the service of human dignity and human

rights, both political and economic.

289. In particular, as we noted in our earlier letter, The Challenge of Peace, the contrast

between expenditures on armaments and on development reflects a shift in priorities from meeting

human needs to promoting "national security" and represents a massive distortion of resource

allocations. In 1982, for example, the military expenditures of the industrialized countries were

seventeen times larger than their foreign assistance; in 1985 the United States alone budgeted more

Selected Economic Policy Issues

than twenty times as much for defense as for foreign assistance, and nearly two-thirds of the latter

took the form of military assistance (including subsidized arms sales) or went to countries because

of their perceived strategic value to the United States.(120) Rather than promoting U.S. arms sales,

especially to countries that cannot afford them, we should be campaigning for an international

agreement to reduce this lethal trade.

290. In short, the international economic order, like many aspects of our own economy, is in

crisis; the gap between rich and poor countries and between rich and poor people within countries is

widening. The United States represents the most powerful single factor in the international

economic equation. But even as we speak of crisis, we see an opportunity for the United States to

launch a worldwide campaign for justice and economic rights to match the still incomplete, but

encouraging, political democracy we have achieved in the United States with so much pain and

sacrifice.

291. To restructure the international order along lines of greater equity and participation and

apply the preferential option for the poor to international economic activity will require sacrifices of

at least the scope of those we have made over the years in building our own nation. We need to call

again upon the qualities of leadership and vision that have marked our history when crucial choices

were demanded. As Pope John Paul II said during his 1979 visit to the United States, "America,

which in the past decades has demonstrated goodness and generosity in providing food for the

hungry of the world, will, I am sure, be able to match this generosity with an equally convincing

contribution to the establishing of a world order that will create the necessary economic and trade

conditions for a more just relationship between all the nations of the world."(121)

292. We share his conviction that most of the policy issues generally called economic are, at

root, moral and therefore require the application of moral principles derived from the Scriptures and

from the evolving social teaching of the Church and other traditions.(122) We also recognize that

we are dealing here with sensitive international issues that cross national boundaries. Nevertheless,

in order to pursue justice and peace on a global scale, we call for a U.S. international economic

policy designed to empower people everywhere and enable them to continue to develop a sense of

their own worth, improve the quality of their lives, and ensure that the benefits of economic growth

are shared equitably.

E. Conclusion

293. None of the issues we have addressed in this chapter can be dealt with in isolation. They

are interconnected, and their resolution requires difficult trade-offs among competing interests and

values. The changing international economy, for example, greatly influences efforts to achieve full

employment in the United States and to maintain a healthy farm sector. Similarly, as we have noted,

policies and programs to reduce unemployment and poverty must not ignore a potential inflationary

impact. These complexities and trade-offs are real and must be confronted, but they are not an

excuse for inaction. They should not paralyze us in our search for a more just economy.

294. Many of the reforms we have suggested in this chapter would be expensive. At a time

when the United States has large annual deficits some might consider these costs too high. But this

discussion must be set in the context of how our resources are allocated and the immense human

and social costs of failure to act on these pressing problems. We believe that the question of

providing adequate revenues to meet the needs of our nation must be faced squarely and

realistically. Reforms in the tax code which close loopholes and generate new revenues, for

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

example, are among the steps that need to be examined in order to develop a federal budget that is

both fiscally sound and socially responsible. The cost of meeting our social needs must also be

weighed against the $300 billion a year allocated for military purposes. Although some of these

expenditures are necessary for the defense of the nation, some elements of the military budget are

both wasteful and dangerous for world peace.(123) Careful reductions should be made in these

areas in order to free up funds for social and economic reforms. In the end, the question is not

whether the United States can provide the necessary funds to meet our social needs, but whether we

have the political will to do so

Selected Economic Policy Issues

FOOTNOTES

Chapter III

1 Octogesima Adveniens, 26-41; and On Human Work, 7, 13.

2 Program of Social Reconstruction, 33-40.

3 See The Challenge of Peace: God’s Promise and Our Response, 9-10.

4 On Human Work, 3.

5 U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, The Employment Situation: April 1986 (May 1986).

6 Full Employment Action Council, Employment in America: Illusory Recovery in a Decade of Decline

(Washington, D.C., February 1985), 19. Calculations based on data from the U.S. Department of Labor's Bureau of

Labor Statistics.

7 U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; The Employment Situation: August 1985 and U.S.

Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration, Unemployment Insurance Claims. Reference week of

June 22, 1985.

8 The Employment Situation: August 1985.

9 Brenner, "Fetal, Infant and Maternal Mortality during Periods of Economic Instability," International Journal of

Health Services (Summer, 1973); P.H. Ellison, "Neurology of Hard Times," Clinical Pediatrics (March 1977); S. V.

Kasl and S. Cobb, "Some Mental Health Consequences of Plant Closings and Job Loss," in L. Ferman and J. P. Gordus,

eds., Mental Health and the Economy (Kalamazoo, Mich.: W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 1979),

255-300; L. E. Kopolow and F. M. Ochberg, "Spinoff from a Downward Swing," Mental Health 59 (Summer 1975); D.

Shaw, "Unemployment Hurts More Than the Pocketbook," Today's Health (March 1978).

10 Richard M. Cohn, The Consequences of Unemployment on Evaluation of Self, Doctoral dissertation,

Department of Psychology (University of Michigan, 1977); John A. Garraty, Unemployment in History: Economic

Thought and Public Policy (New York: Harper and Row, 1978); Harry Maurer, Not Working: An Oral History of the

Unemployed (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979).

11 M. Harvey Brenner, Estimating the Social Cost of National Economic Policy (U.S. Congress, Joint Economic

Committee, 1976); see Brenner, Mental Illness and the Economy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973).

12 Congressional Budget Office, Economic and Budget Outlook. FY 1986-FY 1990 (Washington, D.C.: February

1985), 75.

13 Correlation of Unemployment and Federal Prison Population (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Bureau of Prisons,

March 1975); M. Yeager, "Unemployment and Imprisonment," Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 70:4 (1979);

Testimony of M. H. Brenner in Unemployment and Crime (U.S. Congress, House Hearings, 1977), 25.

14 Committee on the Evolution of Work, AFL-CIO, The Future of Work (Washington, D.C.: AFL-CIO, 1983), 11.

15 Congressional Budget Office, Defense Spending and the Economy (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing

Office, 1983). See also Michael Edelstein, The Economic Impact of Military Spending (New York: Council on

Economic Priorities, 1977) and Robert de Grasse Jr., Military Expansion, Economic Decline (New York: Council on

Economic Priorities, 1983). See also U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics Report, "Structure of the U.

S. Economy in 1980 and 1985," (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1975) and Marion Anderson, The

Empty Pork Barrel (Lansing, Mich.: Employment Research Associates, 1982).

16 U.S. Office of Management and Budget, Historical Tables, Budget of the United States Government Fiscal

Year 1986 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1985). Table 10.2, 10.2(3). See also, National Science

Foundation Report, "Characteristics of Experienced Scientists and Engineers," (1978), Detailed Statistical Tables

(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1978).

17 “Statistical Supplement to International Comparison of Unemployment,” Bureau of Labor Statistics (May

1984): 7. Unpublished.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

18 Isabel V. Sawhill and Charles F. Stone state the prevailing view among economists this way: "High

employment is usually defined as the rate of unemployment consistent with no additional inflation, a rate currently

believed by many, but not all, economists to be in the neighborhood of 6 percent." "The Economy: The Key to

Success," in John L. Palmer and Isabel V. Sawhill, eds., The Reagan Record: An Assessment of America's Changing

Domestic Priorities (Cambridge, Mass.: Bollinger, 1984), 72. See also Stanley Fischer and Rudiger Dornbusch,

Economics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1983), 731-743.

19 W.L. Birch, "Who Creates Jobs?" The Public Interest 65 (Fall): 3-14.

20 Martin Neil Baily and Arthur M. Okun, eds., The Battle Against Unemployment and Inflation, third edition

(New York: Norton, 1982); and Martin Neil Baily, "Labor Market Performance, Competition and Inflation," in Baily,

ed., Workers, Jobs and Inflation (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1982). See also, Lawrence Klein,

"Reducing Unemployment Without Inflation"; and James Tobin, "Unemployment, Poverty, and Economic Policy,"

testimony before the Subcommittee on Economic Stabilization, U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Banking,

Finance and Urban Affairs (March 19, 1985), serial no. 99-5, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1985),

15-18 and 31-33.

21 Tobin, “Unemployment, Poverty, and Economic Policy”; and Klein, “Reducing Unemployment Without

Inflation.”

22 Robert H. Haveman, "Toward Efficiency and Equity through Direct Job Creation," Social Policy 11:1

(May/June 1980): 48.

23 William H. McCarthy, Reducing Urban Unemployment: What Works at the Local Level (Washington, D.C.:

National League of Cities, October 1985); William Schweke, "States that Take the Lead on a New Industrial Policy," in

Betty G. Lall, ed., Economic Dislocation and Job Loss (New York: Cornell University, New York State School of

Industrial and Labor Relations, 1985), 97-106; David Robinson, Training and Jobs Programs in Action: Case Studies in

Private Sector Initiatives for the Hard to Employ (New York: Committee for Economic Development, 1978). See also

ch. IV of this pastoral letter.

24 Rudy Oswald, "The Economy and Workers' Jobs, The Living Wage and a Voice," in John W. Houck and

Oliver F. Williams, eds., Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy: Working Papers for a Bishops' Pastoral

(Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1984), 77-89. On the subject of shortening the work week, Oswald

points out that in the first 40 years of this century, the average workweek fell from 60 hours to 40 hours. However, the

standard workweek has been unchanged now for almost 50 years.

25 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-60, No. 149, Money Income and Poverty Status of

Families in the United States: 1984 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1985).

26 Massachusetts Department of Public Health, Massachusetts Nutrition Survey (Boston, Mass.: 1983).

27 There is considerable debate about the most suitable definition of poverty. Some argue that the government's

official definition understates the number of the poor, and that a more adequate definition would indicate that as many

as 50 million Americans are poor. For example, they note that the poverty line has sharply declined as a percent of

median family income—from 48 percent in 1959 to 35 percent in 1983. Others argue that the official indicators should

be reduced by the amount of in-kind benefits received by the poor, such as food stamps. By some calculations that

would reduce the number counted as poor to about 12 million. We conclude that for present purposes the official

government definition provides a suitable middle ground. That definition is based on a calculation that multiplies the

cost of USDA's lowest-cost food plan times three. The definition is adjusted for inflation each year.

Among other reasons for using the official definition is that it allows one to compare poverty figures over time.

For additional readings on this topic see: L. Rainwater, What Money Buys: Inequality and the Social Meanings of

Income (New York: Basic Books, 1975), id., Persistent and Transitory Poverty: A New Look (Cambridge, Mass.: Joint

Center for Urban Studies, 1980); M. Orshansky, "How Poverty Is Measured," Monthly Labor Review 92 (1969): 37-41;

M. Anderson, Welfare (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1978); and Michael Harrington, The New American

Poverty (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1984), 81-82.

28 Of those in poverty, 3 million work year-round and are still poor. Of the 22.2 million poor who are 15 years or

older, more than 9 million work sometime during the year. Since 1979, the largest increases of poverty in absolute terms

have been among those who work and are still poor. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Money, Income and Poverty.

Selected Economic Policy Issues

29 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, series P-60, no. 149, 19. Blacks make up about 12

percent of the entire population but 62 percent of the long-term poor. Only 19 percent of the overall population live in

families headed by women, but they make up 61 percent of the long-term poor. Twenty-eight percent of the nation's

total population resides in non-metropolitan areas, but 34 percent of the nation's poor live in these areas.

30 G. J. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, Years of Plenty: The Changing Economic Fortunes of American Workers

and Their Families (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1984). This book is based

on the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, a survey of 5,000 American families conducted annually by the Survey

Research Center of the University of Michigan. See G. J. Duncan and J. N. Morgan, Five Thousand American

Families—Patterns of Economic Progress vol. III (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1975).

31 Congressional Research Service and Congressional Budget Office, Children in Poverty (Washington, D.C.:

May 22, 1985), 57. This recent study also indicates that children are now the largest age group in poverty. We are the

first industrialized nation in the world in which children are the poorest age group. See Daniel Patrick Moynihan,

Family and Nation (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1986), 112.

32 Children's Defense Fund, American Children in Poverty (Washington, D.C. 1984).

33 This trend has been commonly referred to as the “feminization of poverty.” This term was coined by Dr. Diana

Pierce in the 1980 Report to the President of the National Advisory Council on Economic Opportunity to describe the

dramatic increase in the proportion of the poor living in female-headed households.

34 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Technical Paper 55, Estimates of Poverty Including the Value of Non-Cash

Benefits: 1984 (Washington, D.C., August 1985), 5, 23.

35 Barbara Raskin and Heidi Hartmann, Women's Work, Men's Work, Sex Segregation on the Job, National

Academy of Sciences (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1986).

36 U.S. Bureau of the Census, series P-23, no. 124, Special Study Child Support and Alimony: 1981 Current

Population Report (Washington, D.C. 1981).

37 U.S. House of Representatives Subcommittee on Oversight and Public Assistance and Unemployment

Compensation, Committee on Ways and Means, Background Material on Poverty, Washington, D.C., October, 1983.

See also Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. House of Representatives, Children in Poverty, 3.

38 The National Urban League, The Status of Black America 1984 (New York, January 1984).

39 Ibid.

40 NCCB, Brothers and Sisters to Us Pastoral Letter on Racism in Our Day (Washington, D.C.: United States

Catholic Conference, 1979).

41 Federal Reserve Board, "Survey of Consumer Finances, 1983: A Second Report," reprint from the Federal

Reserve Bulletin (Washington, D.C.: December 1984), 857-868. This survey defines net worth as the difference

between gross assets and gross liabilities. The survey's estimates include all financial assets, equity in homes and other

real property, as well as all financial liabilities such as consumer credit and other debts.

42 Ibid., 863-864.

43 U.S. Bureau of the Census, series P-60, no. 149, 11.

44 Income-distribution figures give only a static picture of income shares. They do not reflect the significant

movement of families into and out of different income categories over an extended period of time. See Years of Poverty,

Years of Plenty, 13. It should also be noted that these figures reflect pretax incomes. However, since the national tax

structure is proportional for a large segment of the population, it does not have a significant impact on the distribution of

income. See Joseph Pechman, Who Paid Taxes, 1966-85? (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1985), 51.

45 Lars Osberg, Economic Inequality in the United States (New York: M. E. Sharpe Inc., 1984), 24-28.

46 U.S. Bureau of the Census, series P-60. no. 149, 11.

47 "Poverty in the United States: Where Do We Stand Now?" Focus (University of Wisconsin: Institute for

Research on Poverty, Winter 1984)/ See also Danzinger and Gottschalk, "The Poverty of Losing Ground," Challenge

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

28:2 (May/June 1985). As these studies indicate, the slowing of the economy after 1969 tended to push more people

into poverty, a trend that was offset to a great extent by the broadening of federal benefit programs. Likewise, the

cutbacks in federal programs for the poor in recent years have contributed to the increase in poverty. For other analyses

of the causes and cures of poverty see Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy 1950-1980 (New York:

Basic Books Inc., 1984); Ben J. Wattenberg, The Good News Is the Bad News Is Wrong (New York: Simon and

Shuster, 1984); and Michael Harrington, The New American Poverty (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1984).

48 Family and Nation, 111-113.

49 Committee on Ways and Means, Children in Poverty. Calculation based on Tables 6-1 and 6-2, 180-181; and

estimates of social insurance transfers on 221-222.

50 Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books Inc., 1982), 373.

51 U.S. Bureau of the Census, series P-60, no. 149, 11.

52 Years of Poverty, Years of Plenty, 13

53 Center on Social Welfare Policy and Law, Beyond the Myths: The Families Helped by the AFDC Program

(New York 1985).

54 Ibid. This booklet cites Census Bureau data showing that in 1980 about 45 percent of those families who

received AFDC also had earned income during that year, and that the average number of weeks worked during the year

was 32.1.

55 Leonard Goodwin, Causes and Cures of Welfare (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1983), ch. 1. See also

Leonard Goodwin, "Can Workfare Work?," Public Welfare 39 (Fall 1981): 19-25.

56 Beyond the Myths. With respect to error and fraud rates in AFDC, this booklet notes that erroneous payments in

the AFDC program account for less than 10 percent of the benefits paid. No more than 8.1 percent of the families on

AFDC received overpayments as a result of client error. In less than 4.5 percent of all AFDC cases nationally are

questions of fraud raised. Moreover, in over 40 percent of these cases, a review of the facts indicated that there was

insufficient evidence to support an allegation of fraud.

57 P.G. Peterson, "No More Free Lunch for the Middle Class," New York Times Magazine (January 17, 1982).

58 Interfaith Action for Economic Justice, End Results: The Impact of Federal Policies Since 1980 on Low-Income

Americans (Washington, D.C.) 2.

59 ”The Poverty of Losing Ground,” 32-38.

60 The tax reform legislation of 1986 did a great deal to achieve this goal. It removed from the federal income tax

rolls virtually all families below the official poverty line.

61 Jonathan Kozol, Illiterate America (New York: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1985).

62 Peace on Earth, 13.

63 These reports and studies include: E. Boyer, High School: A Report on Secondary Education in America

(Princeton: Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, 1983); P. Cusick, The American High School and

the Egalitarian Ideal (New York: Longman, 1983); J. I. Goodlad, A Place Called School: Prospects for the Future

(New York: McGraw-Hill, 1983); the National Commission on Excellence in Education, A Nation at Risk: The

Imperative for Educational Reform (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Education, 1983); D. Ravitch, “The

Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1945-1980” (New York: Basic Books, 1983); T.R. Sizer, Horace's

Compromise: The Dilemma of the American High School (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984); Task Force on Education

for Economic Growth, Action for Excellence: A Comprehensive Plan to Improve our Nation's Schools (Denver:

Education Commission of the States, 1983); and The Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Federal Elementary and

Secondary Education Policy, Making the Grade (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1983). For a discussion of the

issues raised in these reports see Harvard Educational Review 54:1 (February 1984): 1-31.

64 The Vatican, Charter of the Rights of the Family (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1983)

Art. 10a. See also On Human Work, 19; Familiaris Consortio, 23, 81; and "Christian Solidarity Leads to Action,"

Address to Austrian workers (Vienna, September 1983) in Origins 13:16 (September 29, 1983): 275.

Selected Economic Policy Issues

65 H. R. Rodgers Jr., The Cost of Human Neglect: America's Welfare (Armonk, N.Y.: W. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1982);

C. T. Waxman, The Stigma of Poverty, second edition (New York: Pergamon Press, 1983), especially ch. 5; and S. A.

Levitan and C. M. Johnson, Beyond the Safety Net: Reviving the Promise of Opportunity in America (Cambridge,

Mass.: Ballinger, 1984).

66 Children in Poverty, p. 214.

67 U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Ways and Means, Background Materials and Data on Programs

Within the Jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means (Washington, D.C., February 22, 1985), 345-346.

68 Ibid., 347-348.

69 In 1982 similar recommendations were made by eight former secretaries of Health, Education, and Welfare

(now Health and Human Services). In a report called "Welfare Policy in the United States," they suggested a number of

ways in which national minimal standards might be set and strongly urged the establishment of a floor for all states and

territories.

70 Committee on Ways and Means, Background Materials and Data on Programs

71 France adopted a "family" or "children's" allowance in 1932, followed by Italy in 1936, The Netherlands in

1939, the United Kingdom in 1945 and Sweden in 1947. Arnold Heidenheimer, Hugh Heclo and Carolyn Teich Adams,

Comparative Public Policy: The Politics of Social Choice in Europe and America (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1975),

189, 199. See also Robert Kuttner, The Economic Illusion (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1984), 243-246, and Joseph

Piccione, Help for Families on the Front Lines: The Theory and Practice of Family Allowances (Washington, D.C.: The

Free Congress Research and Education Foundation, 1983).

72 Milton Friedman; Capitalism and Freedom (University of Chicago Press, 1962), 190-195.

73 The Current Financial Condition of Farmers and Farm Lenders, Ag. Info. Bulletin no. 490 (Washington, D.C.:

U.S. Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service, March, 1985), viii-x.

74 Data on farms and farm population are drawn from Agricultural Statistics, annual reports of the U. S.

Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C.

75 Irma T. Elo and Calvin L. Beale, Rural Development, Poverty, and Natural Resources (Washington, D.C.:

National Center for Food and Agricultural Policy, Resources for the Future, 1985).

76 National Food Review, USDA, no. 29 (Winter/Spring 1985). In 1984 Americans were spending 15.1 percent of

their disposable income on food. This is an average figure. Many low-income people spent a good deal more and others

much less.

77 Luther Tweeten, Causes and Consequences of Structural Change in the Farming Industry (Washington, D.C.:

National Planning Association, 1984), 7.

78 Economic Indicators of the Farm Sector: Income and Balance Sheet Statistics, 1983, ECIFS 3-3 (Washington,

D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service, September 1984).

79 Marion Clawson, Ownership Patterns of Natural Resources in America: Implications for Distribution of

Wealth and Income (Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future, Summer 1983).

80 Causes and Consequences, 7; and A Time to Choose: Summary Report on the Structure of Agriculture

(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, January 1981).

81 The nature of this transformation and its implications have been addressed previously by the USCC Committee

on Social Development and World Peace in a February 1979 statement The Family Farm and again in May 1980 by the

bishops of the Midwest in a joint pastoral letter Strangers and Guests: Toward Community in the Heartland.

82 Soil Conservation in America: What Do We Have To Lose? (Washington, D.C.: American Farmland Trust,

1984); E. Philiop LeVeen, “Domestic Food Security and Increasing Competition for Water,” in Lawrence Busch and

William B. Lacey, eds., Food Security in the United States (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1984), 52. See also

America’s Soil and Water: Conditions and Trends (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture Soil

Conservation Service, 1981).

83 1982 Census of Agriculture.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

84 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, The Decline of Black Farming in America (Washington, D.C.: U.S.

Commission on Civil Rights, February 1982), esp. 65-69 regarding their property.

85 Ibid., 8.

86 U.S. Department of Labor, Hearings Concerning Proposed Full Sanitation Standards, document no. H-308

(Washington, D.C., 1984).

87 Ch. II, para. 112.

88 A Time to Choose, 148.

89 Luther Tweeten, "The Economics of Small Farms," Science, vol. 219 (March 4, 1983): 1041.

90 U.S. Department of Agriculture, History of Agricultural Price-Support and Adjustment Programs, 1933-84,

Ag. Info. Bulletin no. 485 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service, December

1984).

91 The Distribution of Benefits from the 1982 Federal Crop Programs (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Senate Committee

on the Budget, November 1984).

92 "The Great Debate on Mandatory Production Controls" in Farm Policy Perspectives: Setting the Stage for 1985

Agricultural Legislation. (Washington, D.C.: Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry, April 1984).

93 A Time to Choose, 91.

94 Richard Dunford, The Effects of Federal Income Tax Policy on U.S. Agriculture. (Washington, D.C.:

Subcommittee on Agriculture and Transportation of the Joint Economic Committee of the Congress of the United

States, December 21, 1984).

95 This proposal was put forward thirteen years ago in Where Shall the People Live? A Special Message of the

United States Catholic Bishops (Washington, D.C.: USCC Office for Publishing and Promotion Services, 1972).

96 Thomas E. Miller, et al., Economies of Size in U.S. Field Crop Farming (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department

of Agriculture Economic Research Service, July 1981).

97 See ch. IV.

98 Instruction on Certain Aspects of the Theology of Liberation, 1:6. See also Peace on Earth, 130-131; and On

Human Work, 11.

99 Overseas Development Council, U.S. Policy and the Third World: Agenda 1985-86.

100 Robert S. McNamara, Address to the Board of Governors of the World Bank (Washington, D.C.: World Bank,

September 30, 1980).

101 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, Dimensions of Need, E 9 (Rome, 1982). The UN World Food

Council uses this figure consistently, most recently at its 1lth annual meeting in Paris.

102 Joseph Greenwald and Kenneth Flamm, The Global Factory (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution,

1985); see also Ronald Muller and Richard Barnet, Global Reach (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974); Raymond

Vernon, The Economic and Political Consequences of Multinational Enterprise (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University

Press, 1972); the United Nations Center on Transnational Corporations maintains current data on these institutions.

103 Peace on Earth, 56-63.

104 On the Development of Peoples, 44 and 58-63; quoted also by Pope John Paul II, Origins 14:16 (October 4,

1984): 247.

105 President's Commission on Security and Economic Assistance (Carlucci Commission), A Report to the

Secretary of State (Washington, D.C., November 1983).

106 For example: After a dozen years of negotiations, during which nearly all of the issues were resolved to U.S.

satisfaction, the United States refused to sign the Law of the Seas treaty; only the United States failed to support the

U.N. infant formula resolution; the United States has not ratified the two UN Covenants of Human Rights, etc.

Selected Economic Policy Issues

107 U.S. Agency for International Development, Congressional Presentation, Fiscal Year 1986, Main Volume

(Washington, D.C., 1985).

108 The clients of the International Development Association, the "soft loan window" of the World Bank, are the

poorest countries. The United States insisted upon—and obtained—a 25 percent reduction in IDA's current (seventh)

replenishment. Taking inflation into account, this meant a 40 percent drop in real terms at exactly the moment when

developing-country debt levels are punishingly high and the prices of their export commodities are almost at rock

bottom.

109 See ch. II.

110 The GATT—third of the Bretton Woods "institutions" (with the World Bank and the IMF) —is in fact a

treaty, monitored and supported by a secretariat located in Geneva, Switzerland. Periodic “rounds” of negotiations

among its several-score members, North and South, modify and extend its provisions and regulations.

111 Debt figures have been compiled from data published by the World Bank, the IMF; and the Bank for

International Settlements.

112 The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) originated in Geneva in 1964 at a

meeting convened by the UN to discuss trade, development and related problems of low-income countries. It

established a quadrennial meeting and created permanent machinery in the UN to deal with these problems. A Trade

and Development Board (TDB), with standing committees, meets every two years; and there is a small secretariat to

staff it. UNCTAD is viewed as representing the developing countries' continuing effort to have a larger voice in

international decisions affecting trade and development and to secure more favorable terms of trade.

113 U.S. Policy and the Third World, Table B-5.

114 When the IMF helps a country adjust to balance-of-payments problems (e.g., by assisting in the rescheduling

of its external debt), it negotiates certain conditions with the debtor country in order to improve its immediate financial

position. In general these require the borrowing country to earn and save more. The adjustments, usually referred to as

"conditionally," tend to fall most heavily on the poor through reduction of government spending on consumer subsidies

and public services, and often of wages.

115 North American Coalition for Human Rights in Korea, Testimony before the U.S. Trade Representative, June

24, 1985.

116 E.F. Schumacher, Small Is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered (New York: Harper and Row, 1973).

117 On the Development of Peoples, 44, 58-63.

118 Ibid., 37; Pastoral Constitution, 87.

119 On the Development of Peoples, 37.

120 Ruth Leger Sivard, World Military and Social Expenditures 1983 (Washington, D.C.: World Priorities, 1983),

23.

121 Pontifical Commission Justitia et Pax, The Social Teaching of John Paul II, 6 (October 6, 1979).

122 On the Development of Peoples, 44, 58-63.

123 See "Testimony on U.S. Arms Control Policy," Origins 14:10 (August 9, 1984): 154ff.

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

CHAPTER IV

A NEW AMERICAN EXPERIMENT: PARTNERSHIP FOR THE

PUBLIC GOOD

295. For over two hundred years the United States has been engaged in a bold experiment in

democracy. The founders of the nation set out to establish justice, promote the general welfare, and

secure the blessings of liberty for themselves and their posterity. Those who live in this land today

are the beneficiaries of this great venture. Our review of some of the most pressing problems in

economic life today shows, however, that this undertaking is not yet complete. Justice for all

remains an aspiration; a fair share in the general welfare is denied to many. In addition to the

particular policy recommendations made above, a long-term and more fundamental response is

needed. This will call for an imaginative vision of the future that can help shape economic

arrangements in creative new ways. We now want to propose some elements of such a vision and

several innovations in economic structures that can contribute to making this vision a reality.

296. Completing the unfinished business of the American experiment will call for new forms of

cooperation and partnership among those whose daily work is the source of the prosperity and

justice of the nation. The United States prides itself on both its competitive sense of initiative and its

spirit of teamwork. Today a greater spirit of partnership and teamwork is needed; competition alone

will not do the job. It has too many negative consequences for family life, the economically

vulnerable, and the environment. Only a renewed commitment by all to the common good can deal

creatively with the realities of international interdependence and economic dislocations in the

domestic economy. The virtues of good citizenship require a lively sense of participation in the

commonwealth and of having obligations as well as rights within it.(1) The nation's economic

health depends on strengthening these virtues among all its people and on the development of

institutional arrangements supportive of these virtues.(2)

297. The nation's founders took daring steps to create structures of participation, mutual

accountability, and widely distributed power to ensure the political rights and freedoms of all. We

believe that similar steps are needed today to expand economic participation, broaden the sharing of

economic power, and make economic decisions more accountable to the common good. As noted

above, the principle of subsidiarity states that the pursuit of economic justice must occur on all

levels of society. It makes demands on communities as small as the family, as large as the global

society, and on all levels in between. There are a number of ways to enhance the cooperative

participation of these many groups in the task of creating this future. Since there is no single

innovation that will solve all problems, we recommend careful experimentation with several

possibilities that hold considerable hope for increasing partnership and strengthening mutual

responsibility for economic justice.

A. Cooperation within Firms and Industries

298. A new experiment in bringing democratic ideals to economic life calls for serious

exploration of ways to develop new patterns of partnership among those working in individual firms

and industries.(3) Every business, from the smallest to the largest, including farms and ranches,

depends on many different persons and groups for its success: workers, managers, owners or

A New American Experiment: Partnership For The Public Good

shareholders, suppliers, customers, creditors, the local community, and the wider society. Each

makes a contribution to the enterprise, and each has a stake in its growth or decline. Present

structures of accountability, however, do not acknowledge all these contributions or protect these

stakes. A major challenge in today's economy is the development of new institutional mechanisms

for accountability that also preserve the flexibility needed to respond quickly to a rapidly changing

business environment.(4)

299. New forms of partnership between workers and managers are one means for developing

greater participation and accountability within firms.(5) Recent experience has shown that both

labor and management suffer when the adversarial relationship between them becomes extreme. As

Pope Leo XIII stated, "Each needs the other completely: Capital cannot do without labor nor labor

without capital."(6) The organization of firms should reflect and enhance this mutual partnership. In

particular, the development of work patterns for men and women that are more supportive of family

life will benefit both employees and the enterprises they work for.

300. Workers in firms and on farms are especially in need of stronger institutional protection,

for their jobs and livelihood are particularly vulnerable to the decisions of others in today's highly

competitive labor market. Several arrangements are gaining increasing support in the United States:

profit sharing by the workers in a firm; enabling employees to become company stockholders;

granting employees greater participation in determining the conditions of work; cooperative

ownership of the firm by all who work within it; and programs for enabling a much larger number

of Americans, regardless of their employment status, to become shareholders in successful

corporations. Initiatives of this sort can enhance productivity, increase the profitability of firms,

provide greater job security and work satisfaction for employees, and reduce adversarial

relations.(7) In our 1919 Program of Social Reconstruction we observed "the full possibilities of

increased production will not be realized so long as the majority of workers remain mere wage

earners. The majority must somehow become owners, at least in part, of the instruments of

production."(8) We believe this judgment remains generally valid today.

301. None of these approaches provides a panacea, and all have certain drawbacks.

Nevertheless we believe that continued research and experimentation with these approaches will be

of benefit. Catholic social teaching has endorsed on many occasions innovative methods for

increasing worker participation within firms.(9) The appropriateness of these methods will depend

on the circumstances of the company or industry in question and on their effectiveness in actually

increasing a genuinely cooperative approach to shaping decisions. The most highly publicized

examples of such efforts have been in large firms facing serious financial crises. If increased

participation and collaboration can help a firm avoid collapse, why should it not give added strength

to healthy businesses? Cooperative ownership is particularly worthy of consideration in new

entrepreneurial enterprises.(10)

302. Partnerships between labor and management are possible only when both groups possess

real freedom and power to influence decisions. This means that unions ought to continue to play an

important role in moving toward greater economic participation within firms and industries.

Workers rightly reject calls for less adversarial relations when they are a smoke screen for demands

that labor make all the concessions. For partnership to be genuine it must be a two-way street, with

creative initiative and a willingness to cooperate on all sides.

303. When companies are considering plant closures or the movement of capital, it is patently

unjust to deny workers any role in shaping the outcome of these difficult choices.(11) In the heavy

manufacturing sector today, technological change and international competition can be the occasion

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

of painful decisions leading to the loss of jobs or wage reductions. While such decisions may

sometimes be necessary, a collaborative and mutually accountable model of industrial organization

would mean that workers not be expected to carry all the burdens of an economy in transition.

Management and investors must also accept their share of sacrifices, especially when management

is thinking of closing a plant or transferring capital to a seemingly more lucrative or competitive

activity. The capital at the disposal of management is in part the product of the labor of those who

have toiled in the company over the years, including currently employed workers.(12) As a

minimum, workers have a right to be informed in advance when such decisions are under

consideration, a right to negotiate with management about possible alternatives, and a right to fair

compensation and assistance with retraining and relocation expenses should these be necessary.

Since even these minimal rights are jeopardized without collective negotiation, industrial

cooperation requires a strong role for labor unions in our changing economy.

304. Labor unions themselves are challenged by the present economic environment to seek new

ways of doing business. The purpose of unions is not simply to defend the existing wages and

prerogatives of the fraction of workers who belong to them, but also to enable workers to make

positive and creative contributions to the firm, the community, and the larger society in an

organized and cooperative way.(13) Such contributions call for experiments with new directions in

the U.S. labor movement.

305. The parts played by managers and shareholders in U.S. corporations also need careful

examination. In U.S. law, the primary responsibility of managers is to exercise prudent business

judgment in the interest of a profitable return to investors. But morally this legal responsibility may

be exercised only within the bounds of justice to employees, customers, suppliers, and the local

community. Corporate mergers and hostile takeovers may bring greater benefits to shareholders, but

they often lead to decreased concern for the well-being of local communities and make towns and

cities more vulnerable to decisions made from afar.

306. Most shareholders today exercise relatively little power in corporate governance.(14)

Although shareholders can and should vote on the selection of corporate directors and on

investment questions and other policy matters, it appears that return on investment is the governing

criterion in the relation between them and management. We do not believe this is an adequate

rationale for shareholder decisions. The question of how to relate the rights and responsibilities of

shareholders to those of the other people and communities affected by corporate decisions is

complex and insufficiently understood. We, therefore, urge serious, long-term research and

experimentation in this area. More effective ways of dealing with these questions are essential to

enable firms to serve the common good.

B. Local and Regional Cooperation

307. The context within which U.S. firms do business has direct influence on their ability to

contribute to the common good. Companies and indeed whole industries are not sole masters of

their own fate. Increased cooperative efforts are needed to make local, regional, national, and

international conditions more supportive of the pursuit of economic justice.

308. In the principle of subsidiarity, Catholic social teaching has long stressed the importance

of small and intermediate-sized communities or institutions in exercising moral responsibility.

These mediating structures link the individual to society as a whole in a way that gives people

greater freedom and power to act.(15) Such groups include families, neighborhoods, church

A New American Experiment: Partnership For The Public Good

congregations, community organizations, civic and business associations, public interest and

advocacy groups, community development corporations and many other bodies. All these groups

can play a crucial role in generating creative partnerships for the pursuit of the public good on the

local and regional level.

309. The value of partnership is illustrated by considering how new jobs are created. The

development of new businesses to serve the local community is key to revitalizing areas hit hard by

unemployment.(16) The cities and regions in greatest need of these new jobs face serious obstacles

in attracting enterprises that can provide them. Lack of financial resources, limited entrepreneurial

skill, blighted and unsafe environments, and a deteriorating infrastructure create a vicious cycle that

makes new investment in these areas more risky and therefore less likely.

310. Breaking out of this cycle will require a cooperative approach that draws on all the

resources of the community.(17) Community development corporations can keep efforts focused on

assisting those most in need. Existing business, labor, financial, and academic institutions can

provide expertise in partnership with innovative entrepreneurs. New cooperative structures of local

ownership will give the community or region an added stake in businesses and even more important

give these businesses a greater stake in the community.(18) Government on the local, state, and

national levels must play a significant role, especially through tax structures that encourage

investment in hard hit areas and through funding aimed at conservation and basic infrastructure

needs. Initiatives like these can contribute to a multilevel response to the needs of the community.

311. The Church itself can work as an effective partner on the local and regional level. First-

hand knowledge of community needs and commitment to the protection of the dignity of all should

put Church leaders in the forefront of efforts to encourage a community-wide cooperative strategy.

Because churches include members from many different parts of the community, they can often

serve as mediator between groups who might otherwise regard each other with suspicion. We urge

local church groups to work creatively and in partnership with other private and public groups in

responding to local and regional problems.

C. Partnership in the Development of National Policies

312. The causes of our national economic problems and their possible solutions are the subject

of vigorous debate today. The discussion often turns on the role the national government has played

in creating these problems and could play in remedying them. We want to point to several

considerations that could help build new forms of effective citizenship and cooperation in shaping

the economic life of our country.

313. First, while economic freedom and personal initiative are deservedly esteemed in our

society, we have increasingly come to recognize the inescapably social and political nature of the

economy. The market is always embedded in a specific social and political context. The tax system

affects consumption, saving and investment. National monetary policy, domestic and defense

programs, protection of the environment and worker safety, and regulation of international trade all

shape the economy as a whole. These policies influence domestic investment, unemployment rates,

foreign exchange, and the health of the entire world economy.

314. The principle of subsidiarity calls for government intervention when small or intermediate

groups in society are unable or unwilling to take the steps needed to promote basic justice. Pope

John XXIII observed that the growth of more complex relations of interdependence among citizens

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

has led to an increased role for government in modern societies.(19) This role is to work in

partnership with the many other groups in society, helping them fulfill their tasks and

responsibilities more effectively, not replacing or destroying them. The challenge of today is to

move beyond abstract disputes about whether more or less government intervention is needed, to

consideration of creative ways of enabling government and private groups to work together

effectively.

315. It is in this light that we understand Pope John Paul II’s recommendation that "society

make provision for overall planning" in the economic domain.(20) Planning must occur on various

levels, with the government ensuring that basic justice is protected and also protecting the rights and

freedoms of all other agents. In the Pope's words:

In the final analysis this overall concern weighs on the shoulders of the state, but it cannot mean one-

sided centralization by the public authorities. Instead what is in question is a just and rational

coordination within the framework of which the initiative of individuals, free groups, and local work

centers and complexes must be safeguarded. (21)

316. We are well aware that the mere mention of economic planning is likely to produce a

strong negative reaction in U.S. society. It conjures up images of centralized planning boards,

command economies, inefficient bureaucracies, and mountains of government paperwork. It is also

clear that the meaning of "planning" is open to a wide variety of interpretations and takes very

different forms in various nations.(22) The Pope's words should not be construed as an endorsement

of a highly centralized form of economic planning, much less a totalitarian one. His call for a "just

and rational coordination" of the endeavors of the many economic actors is a call to seek creative

new partnership and forms of participation in shaping national policies.

317. There are already many forms of economic planning going on within the U.S. economy

today. Individuals and families plan for their economic future. Management and labor unions

regularly develop both long- and short-term plans. Towns, cities, and regions frequently have

planning agencies concerned with their social and economic future. When state legislatures and the

U.S. Congress vote on budgets or on almost any other bill that comes before them, they are engaged

in a form of public planning. Catholic social teaching does not propose a single model for political

and economic life by which these levels are to be institutionally related to each other. It does insist

that reasonable coordination among the different parts of the body politic is an essential condition

for achieving justice. This is a moral precondition of good citizenship that applies to both individual

and institutional actors. In its absence no political structure can guarantee justice in society or the

economy. Effective decisions in these matters will demand greater cooperation among all citizens.

To encourage our fellow citizens to consider more carefully the appropriate balance of private and

local initiative with national economic policy, we make several recommendations.

318. First, in an advanced industrial economy like ours, all parts of society, including

government, must cooperate in forming national economic policies. Taxation, monetary policy, high

levels of government spending, and many other forms of governmental regulation are here to stay.

A modern economy without governmental interventions of the sort we have alluded to is

inconceivable. These interventions, however, should help, not replace, the contributions of other

economic actors and institutions and should direct them to the common good. The development of

effective new forms of partnership between private and public agencies will be difficult in a

situation as immensely complex as that of the United States in which various aspects of national

policy seem to contradict one another.(23) On the theoretical level, achieving greater coordination

will make demands on those with the technical competence to analyze the relationship among

A New American Experiment: Partnership For The Public Good

different parts of the economy. More practically, it will require the various subgroups within our

society to sharpen their concern for the common good and moderate their efforts to protect their

own short-term interests.

319. Second, the impact of national economic policies on the poor and the vulnerable is the

primary criterion for judging their moral value. Throughout this letter we have stressed the special

place of the poor and the vulnerable in any ethical analysis of the U.S. economy. National economic

policies that contribute to building a true commonwealth should reflect this by standing firmly for

the rights of those who fall through the cracks of our economy: the poor, the unemployed, the

homeless, the displaced. Being a citizen of this land means sharing in the responsibility for shaping

and implementing such policies.

320. Third, the serious distortion of national economic priorities produced by massive national

spending on defense must be remedied. Clear-sighted consideration of the role of government shows

that government and the economy are already closely intertwined through military research and

defense contracts. Defense-related industries make up a major part of the U.S. economy and have

intimate links with both the military and civilian government; they often depart from the

competitive model of free-market capitalism. Moreover, the dedication of so much of the national

budget to military purposes has been disastrous for the poor and vulnerable members of our own

and other nations. The nation's spending priorities need to be revised in the interests of both justice

and peace.(24)

321. We recognize that these proposals do not provide a detailed agenda. We are also aware

that there is a tension between setting the goals for coherent policies and actually arriving at them

by democratic means. But if we can increase the level of commitment to the common good and the

virtues of citizenship in our nation, the ability to achieve these goals will greatly increase. It is these

fundamental moral concerns that lead us as bishops to join the debate on national priorities.

D. Cooperation at the International Level

322. If our country is to guide its international economic relationships by policies that serve

human dignity and justice, we must expand our understanding of the moral responsibility of citizens

to serve the common good of the entire planet. Cooperation is not limited to the local, regional, or

national level. Economic policy can no longer be governed by national goals alone. The fact that the

"social question has become worldwide"(25) challenges us to broaden our horizons and enhance our

collaboration and sense of solidarity on the global level. The cause of democracy is closely tied to

the cause of economic justice. The unfinished business of the American experiment includes the

formation of new international partnerships, especially with the developing countries, based on

mutual respect, cooperation, and a dedication to fundamental justice.

323. The principle of subsidiarity calls for government to intervene in the economy when basic

justice requires greater social coordination and regulation of economic actors and institutions. In

global economic relations, however, no international institution provides this sort of coordination

and regulation. The UN system, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, does not possess the requisite authority. Pope John XXIII

called this institutional weakness a "structural defect" in the organization of the human community.

The structures of world order, including economic ones, "no longer correspond to the objective

requirements of the universal common good."(26)

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

324. Locked together in a world of limited material resources and a growing array of common

problems, we help or hurt one another by the economic policies we choose. All the economic agents

in our society, therefore, must consciously and deliberately attend to the good of the whole human

family. We must all work to increase the effectiveness of international agencies in addressing global

problems that cannot be handled through the actions of individual countries. In particular we repeat

our plea made in The Challenge of Peace urging "that the United States adopt a stronger supportive

leadership role with respect to the United Nations."(27) In the years following World War II, the

United States took the lead in establishing multilateral bodies to deal with postwar economic

problems. Unfortunately, in recent years this country has taken steps that have weakened rather than

strengthened multilateral approaches. This is a shortsighted policy and should be reversed if the

long-term interests of an interdependent globe are to be served.(28) In devising more effective

arrangements for pursuing international economic justice, the overriding problem is how to get from

where we are to where we ought to be. Progress toward that goal demands positive and often

difficult action by corporations, banks, labor unions, governments, and other major actors on the

international stage. But whatever the difficulty, the need to give priority to alleviating poverty in

developing countries is undeniable; and the cost of continued inaction can be counted in human

lives lost or stunted, talents wasted, opportunities foregone, misery and suffering prolonged, and

injustice condoned.

325. Self-restraint and self-criticism by all parties are necessary first steps toward strengthening

the international structures to protect the common good. Otherwise, growing interdependence will

lead to conflict and increased economic threats to human dignity. This is an important long-term

challenge to the economic future of this country and its place in the emerging world economic

community

A New American Experiment: Partnership For The Public Good

FOOTNOTES

Chapter IV

1 Octogesima Adveniens, 24.

2 For different analyses along these lines with quite different starting points see Martin Carnoy, Derek Shearer and

Russell Rumberger, A New Social Contract (New York: Harper and Row, 1983); Amatai Etzioni, An Immodest Agenda:

Reconstructing America Before the 21st Century (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1983); Charles E. Lindblom, Politics and

Markets (New York: Basic Books, 1977), esp. 346-348; George C. Lodge, The New American Ideology (New York:

Alfred A. Knopf, 1975); Douglas Sturm, "Corporations, Constitutions and Covenants," Journal of the American

Academy of Religion, 41 (1973): 331-55; Lester Thurow, The Zero-Sum Society (New York: Basic Books, 1980), esp.

ch. 1; Roberto Mangabeira Unger, Knowledge and Politics (New York: Free Press, 1975); George F. Will, Statecraft as

Soulcraft: What Government Does (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982), esp. ch. 6.

3 Pastoral Constitution, 68. See Mater et Magistra, 75-77.

4 Charles W. Powers provided a helpful discussion of these matters in a paper presented at a conference on the

first draft of this letter sponsored by the Harvard University Divinity School and the Institute for Policy Studies,

Cambridge, Massachusetts, March 29-31, 1985.

5 See John Paul II, "The Role of Business in a Changing Workplace," 3, Origins 15 (February 6, 1986): 567.

6 Rerum Novarum, 28. For an analysis of the relevant papal teachings on institutions of collaboration and

partnership, see John Cronin, Catholic Social Principles: The Social Teaching of the Catholic Church Applied to

American Economic Life (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1950), ch. VII; Oswlad von Nell-Breuning, Reorganization of Social

Economy: The Cosical Encyclical Developed and Explained, trans. Bernard W. Dempsey (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1936),

chs. X-XII; Jean-Yves Calvez and Jacques Perrin, The Church and Social Justice, trans. J. R. Kirwan (Chicago:

Regnery, 1961), ch. XIX.

7 Michael Conte, Arnold S. Tannenbaum and Donna McCulloch, Employee Ownership, Research Report Series,

Institute for Social Research (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan, 1981); Robert A. Dahl, A Preface to

Economic Democracy (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1985); Harvard Business School, "The

Mondragon Cooperative Movement," case study prepared by David P. Ellerman (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Business

School, n.d.); Robert Jackall and Henry M. Levin, eds., Worker Cooperatives in America (Berkeley, Calif.: University

of California Press, 1984); Derek Jones and Jan Svejnar, eds., Participatory and Self-Managed Firms: Evaluating

Economic Performance (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1982); Irving H. Siegel and Edgar Weinberg, Labor-

Management Cooperation: The American Experience (Kalamazoo, Mich.: W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment

Research, 1982); Stuart M. Speiser, "Broadened Capital Ownership—The Solution to Major Domestic and International

Problems," Journal of Post-Keynesian Economics VIII (1985): 426-434; Jaroslav Vanek, ed., Self-Management:

Economic Liberation of Man (London: Penguin, 1975); Martin L. Weitzman, The Share Economy (Cambridge, Mass.:

Harvard University Press, 1984).

8 Program of Social Reconstruction in Justice in the Marketplace, 381.

9 Mater et Magistra, 32, 77, 85-103; On Human Work, 14.

10 For examples of worker-owned and operated enterprises supported by the Campaign for Human Development's

revolving loan fund see CHD's Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference).

11 Quadragesimo Anno states the basic norm on which this conclusion is based: "It is wholly false to ascribe to

property alone or to labor alone whatever has been obtained through the combined effort of both, and it is wholly unjust

for either, denying the efficacy of the other, to arrogate to itself whatever has been produced" (53).

12 On Human Work, 12.

13 Ibid., 20. This point was well made by John Cronin twenty-five years ago: "Even if most injustice and

exploitation were removed, unions would still have a legitimate place. They are the normal voice of labor, necessary to

organize social life for the common good. There is positive need for such organization today, quite independently of any

social evils which may prevail. Order and harmony do not happen; they are the fruit of conscious and organized effort.

While we may hope that the abuses which occasioned the rise of unions may disappear, it does not thereby follow that

unions will have lost their function. On the contrary, they will be freed from unpleasant, even though temporarily

necessary, tasks and able to devote all their time and efforts to a better organization of social life" Catholic Social

Principles, 418. See also AFL-CIO Committee on the Evolution of Work, The Future of Work (Washington, D.C.:

AFL-CIO, 1983).

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

14 For a classic discussion of the relative power of managers and shareholders see A.A. Berle and Gardiner C.

Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York: Macmillan, 1932).

15 Peter L. Berger and Richard John Neuhaus, To Empower People: The Role of Mediating Structures in Public

Policy (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1977).

16 United States Small Business Administration, 1978 Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing

Office, 1979).

17 For recent discussion from a variety of perspectives see: Robert Friedman and William Schweke, eds.,

Expanding the Opportunity to Produce: Revitalizing the American Economy Through New Enterprise Development: A

Policy Reader (Washington, D.C.: Corporation for New Enterprise Development, 1981); Jack A. Meyer, Meeting

Human Needs: Toward a New Public Philosophy (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1982); Committee

for Economic Development, Jobs for the Hard-to-Employ: New Directions for a Public-Private Partnership (New

York: Committee for Economic Development, 1978); Gar Alperovitz and Jeff Faux, Rebuilding America: A Blueprint

for the New Economy (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984).

18 Christopher Mackin, Strategies for Local Ownership and Control: A Policy Analysis (Somerville, Mass.:

Industrial Cooperative Association, 1983).

19 Mater et Magistra” 59 and 62.

20 On Human Work" 18.

21 Ibid.

22 For examples and analysis of different meanings of economic planning see Naomi Caiden and Aaron

Wildavsky, Planning and Budgeting in Poor Countries (New York: Wiley, 1974); Robert Dahl and Charles E.

Lindblom, Politics, Economics and Welfare: Planning and Politico-Economic Systems Resolved Into Basic Social

Processes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976); Stephen S. Cohen, Modern Capitalist Planning: The French

Model (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977); Albert Waterston, Development Planning: Lessons of

Experience (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965); Rebuilding America, chs. 14, 15.

23 For example, many students of recent policy point out that monetary policy on the one hand and fiscal policies

governing taxation and government expenditures on the other have been at odds with each other, with larger public

deficits and high interest rates as the outcome. See Alice M. Rivlin, ed., Economic Choices 1984 (Washington, D.C.:

The Brookings Institution, 1984), esp. ch. 2.

24 The Challenge of Peace, 270-271.

25 On the Development of Peoples, 3.

26 Peace on Earth, 134-135.

27 The Challenge of Peace, 268.

28 See Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye Jr., "Two Cheers for Multilateralism," Foreign Policy 60 (Fall

1985): 148-167.

A Commitment To The Future

CHAPTER V

A COMMITMENT TO THE FUTURE

326. Because Jesus' command to love our neighbor is universal, we hold that the life of each

person on this globe is sacred. This commits us to bringing about a just economic order where all,

without exception, will be treated with dignity and to working in collaboration with those who share

this vision. The world is complex and this may often tempt us to seek simple and self-centered

solutions; but as a community of disciples we are called to a new hope and to a new vision that we

must live without fear and without oversimplification. Not only must we learn more about our

moral responsibility for the larger economic issues that touch the daily life of each and every person

on this planet, but we also want to help shape the Church as a model of social and economic justice.

Thus, this chapter deals with the Christian vocation in the world today, the special challenges to the

Church at this moment of history, ways in which the themes of this letter should be followed up and

a call to the kind of commitment that will be needed to reshape the future.

A. The Christian Vocation in the World Today

327. This letter has addressed many matters commonly regarded as secular; for example:

employment rates, income levels, and international economic relationships. Yet, the affairs of the

world, including economic ones, cannot be separated from the spiritual hunger of the human heart.

We have presented the biblical vision of humanity and the Church's moral and religious tradition as

a framework for asking the deeper questions about the meaning of economic life and for actively

responding to them. But words alone are not enough. The Christian perspective on the meaning of

economic life must transform the lives of individuals, families, in fact, our whole culture. The

Gospel confers on each Christian the vocation to love God and neighbor in ways that bear fruit in

the life of society. That vocation consists above all in a change of heart: a conversion expressed in

praise of God and in concrete deeds of justice and service.

1. Conversion

328. The transformation of social structures begins with and is always accompanied by a

conversion of the heart.(1) As disciples of Christ each of us is called to a deep personal conversion

and to "action on behalf of justice and participation in the transformation of the world."(2) By faith

and baptism we are fashioned into a "new creature"; we are filled with the Holy Spirit and a new

love that compels us to seek out a new profound relationship with God, with the human family, and

with all created things.(3) Renouncing self-centered desires, bearing one's daily cross, and imitating

Christ's compassion, all involve a personal struggle to control greed and selfishness, a personal

commitment to reverence one's own human dignity and the dignity of others by avoiding self-

indulgence and those attachments that make us insensitive to the conditions of others and that erode

social solidarity. Christ warned us against attachments to material things, against total self-reliance,

against the idolatry of accumulating material goods and seeking safety in them. We must take these

teachings seriously and in their light examine how each of us lives and acts toward others. But

personal conversion is not gained once and for all. It is a process that goes on through our entire

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

life. Conversion, moreover, takes place in the context of a larger faith community: through baptism

into the Church, through common prayer, and through our activity with others on behalf of justice.

2. Worship and Prayer

329. Challenging U.S. economic life with the Christian vision calls for a deeper awareness of

the integral connection between worship and the world of work. Worship and common prayer are

the wellsprings that give life to any reflection on economic problems and that continually call the

participants to greater fidelity to discipleship. To worship and pray to the God of the universe is to

acknowledge that the healing love of God extends to all persons and to every part of existence,

including work, leisure, money, economic and political power and their use, and to all those

practical policies that either lead to justice or impede it. Therefore, when Christians come together

in prayer, they make a commitment to carry God's love into all these areas of life.

330. The unity of work and worship finds expression in a unique way in the Eucharist. As

people of a new covenant, the faithful hear God's challenging word proclaimed to them—a message

of hope to the poor and oppressed—and they call upon the Holy Spirit to unite all into one body of

Christ. For the Eucharist to be a living promise of the fullness of God's Kingdom, the faithful must

commit themselves to living as redeemed people with the same care and love for all people that

Jesus showed. The body of Christ which worshipers receive in Communion is also a reminder of the

reconciling power of his death on the cross. It empowers them to work to heal the brokenness of

society and human relationships and to grow in a spirit of self-giving for others.

331. The liturgy teaches us to have grateful hearts: to thank God for the gift of life, the gift of

this earth and the gift of all people. It turns our hearts from self-seeking to a spirituality that sees the

signs of true discipleship in our sharing of goods and working for justice. By uniting us in prayer

with all the people of God, with the rich and the poor, with those near and dear, and with those in

distant lands, liturgy challenges our way of living and refines our values. Together in the

community of worship, we are encouraged to use the goods of this earth for the benefit of all. In

worship and in deeds for justice, the Church becomes a "sacrament," a visible sign of that unity in

justice and peace that God wills for the whole of humanity.(4)

3. Call to Holiness in the World

332. Holiness is not limited to the sanctuary or to moments of private prayer; it is a call to

direct our whole heart and life toward God and according to God's plan for this world. For the laity

holiness is achieved in the midst of the world, in family, in community, in friendships, in work, in

leisure, in citizenship. Through their competency and by their activity, lay men and women have the

vocation to bring the light of the Gospel to economic affairs, "so that the world may be filled with

the Spirit of Christ and may more effectively attain its destiny in justice, in love, and in peace."(5)

333. But as disciples of Christ we must constantly ask ourselves how deeply the biblical and

ethical vision of justice and love permeates our thinking. How thoroughly does it influence our way

of life? We may hide behind the complexity of the issues or dismiss the significance of our personal

contribution; in fact, each one has a role to play, because every day each one makes economic

decisions. Some, by reason of their work or their position in society, have a vocation to be involved

A Commitment To The Future

in a more decisive way in those decisions that affect the economic well-being of others. They must

be encouraged and sustained by all in their search for greater justice.

334. At times we will be called upon to say no to the cultural manifestations that emphasize

values and aims that are selfish, wasteful, and opposed to the Scriptures. Together we must reflect

on our personal and family decisions and curb unnecessary wants in order to meet the needs of

others. There are many questions we must keep asking ourselves: Are we becoming ever more

wasteful in a "throw-away" society? Are we able to distinguish between our true needs and those

thrust on us by advertising and a society that values consumption more than saving? All of us could

well ask ourselves whether as a Christian prophetic witness we are not called to adopt a simpler

lifestyle, in the face of the excessive accumulation of material goods that characterizes an affluent

society.

335. Husbands and wives, in particular, should weigh their needs carefully and establish a

proper priority of values as they discuss the questions of both parents working outside the home and

the responsibilities of raising children with proper care and attention. At times we will be called as

individuals, as families, as parishes, as Church, to identify more closely with the poor in their

struggle for participation and to close the gap of understanding between them and the affluent. By

sharing the perspectives of those who are suffering, we can come to understand economic and social

problems in a deeper way, thus leading us to seek more durable solutions.

336. In the workplace the laity are often called to make tough decisions with little information

about the consequences that such decisions have on the economic lives of others. Such times call for

collaborative dialogue together with prayerful reflection on Scripture and ethical norms. The same

can be said of the need to elaborate policies that will reflect sound ethical principles and that can

become a part of our political and social system. Since this is a part of the lay vocation and its call

to holiness, the laity must seek to instill a moral and ethical dimension into the public debate on

these issues and help enunciate the ethical questions that must be faced. To weigh political options

according to criteria that go beyond efficiency and expediency requires prayer, reflection, and

dialogue on all the ethical norms involved. Holiness for the laity will involve all the sacrifices

needed to lead such a life of prayer and reflection within a worshiping and supporting faith

community. In this way the laity will bridge the gap that so easily arises between the moral

principles that guide the personal life of the Christian and the considerations that govern decisions

in society in the political forum and in the marketplace.

4. Leisure

337. Some of the difficulty in bringing Christian faith to economic life in the United States

today results from the obstacles to establishing a balance of labor and leisure in daily life. Tedious

and boring work leads some to look for fulfillment only during time off the job. Others have

become "workaholics," people who work compulsively and without reflection on the deeper

meaning of life and their actions. The quality and pace of work should be more human in scale

enabling people to experience the dignity and value of their work and giving them time for other

duties and obligations. This balance is vitally important for sustaining the social, political,

educational, and cultural structures of society. The family, in particular, requires such balance.

Without leisure there is too little time for nurturing marriages, for developing parent-child

relationships, and for fulfilling commitments to other important groups: the extended family, the

community of friends, the parish, the neighborhood, schools, and political organizations. Why is it

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

one hears so little today about shortening the work week, especially if both parents are working?

Such a change would give them more time for each other, for their children, and for their other

social and political responsibilities.

338. Leisure is connected to the whole of one's value system and influenced by the general culture

one lives in. It can be trivialized into boredom and laziness, or end in nothing but a desire for greater

consumption and waste. For disciples of Christ, the use of leisure may demand being countercultural.

The Christian tradition sees in leisure time to build family and societal relationships and an opportunity

for communal prayer and worship, for relaxed contemplation and enjoyment of God's creation, and for

the cultivation of the arts which help fill the human longing for wholeness. Most of all, we must be

convinced that economic decisions affect our use of leisure and that such decisions are also to be based

on moral and ethical considerations. In this area of leisure we must be on our guard against being swept

along by a lack of cultural values and by the changing fads of an affluent society. In the creation

narrative God worked six days to create the world and rested on the seventh (Gn 2:1-4). We must take

that image seriously and learn how to harmonize action and rest, work and leisure, so that both

contribute to building up the person as well as the family and community.

B. Challenges to the Church

339. The Church is all the people of God, gathered in smaller faith communities, guided and

served by a pope and a hierarchy of bishops, ministered to by priests, deacons, religious, and laity,

through visible institutions and agencies. Church is, thus, primarily a communion of people bonded

by the Spirit with Christ as their Head, sustaining one another in love and acting as a sign or

sacrament in the world. By its nature it is people called to a transcendent end; but, it is also a visible

social institution functioning in this world. According to their calling, members participate in the

mission and work of the Church and share, to varying degrees, the responsibility for its institutions

and agencies.(6) At this moment in history, it is particularly important to emphasize the

responsibilities of the whole Church for education and family life.

1. Education

340. We have already emphasized the commitment to quality education that is necessary if the

poor are to take their rightful place in the economic structures of our society. We have called the

Church to remember its own obligation in this regard and we have endorsed support for

improvements in public education.

341. The educational mission of the Church is not only to the poor but to all its members. We

reiterate our 1972 statement:

Through education, the Church seeks to prepare its members to proclaim the Good News and to

translate this proclamation into action. Since the Christian vocation is a call to transform oneself and

society with God's help, the educational efforts of the Church must encompass the twin purposes of

personal sanctification and social reform in the light of Christian values. (7)

Through her educational mission the Church seeks: to integrate knowledge about this world with

revelation about God; to understand God's relationship to the human race and its ultimate destiny in

the Kingdom of God; to build up human communities of justice and peace; and to teach the value of

all creation. By inculcating these values the educational system of the Church contributes to society

A Commitment To The Future

and to social justice. Economic questions are, thus, seen as a part of a larger vision of the human

person and the human family, the value of this created earth, and the duties and responsibilities that

all have toward each other and toward this universe.

342. For these reasons the Church must incorporate into all levels of her educational system the

teaching of social justice and the biblical and ethical principles that support it. We call on our

universities, in particular, to make Catholic social teaching, and the social encyclicals of the popes a

part of their curriculum, especially for those whose vocation will call them to an active role in U.S.

economic and political decision making. Faith and technological progress are not opposed one to

another, but this progress must not be channeled and directed by greed, self-indulgence, or novelty

for its own sake, but by values that respect human dignity and foster social solidarity.

343. The Church has always held that the first task and responsibility for education lies in the

hands of parents: they have the right to choose freely the schools or other means necessary to

educate their children in the faith.(8) The Church also has consistently held that public authorities

must ensure that public subsidies for the education of children are allocated so that parents can

freely choose to exercise this right without incurring unjust burdens. This parental right should not

be taken from them. We call again for equitable sharing in public benefits for those parents who

choose private and religious schools for their children. Such help should be available especially for

low-income parents. Though many of these parents sacrifice a great deal for their children's

education, others are effectively deprived of the possibility of exercising this right.

2. Supporting the Family

344. Economic life has a profound effect on all social structures and particularly on the family.

A breakdown of family life often brings with it hardship and poverty. Divorce, failure to provide

support to mothers and children, abandonment of children, pregnancies out of wedlock, all

contribute to the amount of poverty among us. Though these breakdowns of marriage and the

family are more visible among the poor, they do not affect only that one segment of our society. In

fact, one could argue that many of these breakdowns come from the false values found among the

more affluent—values which ultimately pervade the whole of society.

345. More studies are needed to probe the possible connections between affluence and family

and marital breakdowns. The constant seeking for self-gratification and the exaggerated

individualism of our age, spurred on by false values often seen in advertising and on television,

contribute to the lack of firm commitment in marriage and to destructive notions of responsibility

and personal growth.(9)

346. With good reason, the Church has traditionally held that the family is the basic building

block of any society. In fighting against economic arrangements that weaken the family, the Church

contributes to the well-being of society. The same must be said of the Church's teaching on

responsible human sexuality and its relationship to marriage and family. Economic arrangements

must support the family and promote its solidity.

3. The Church as Economic Actor

347. Although all members of the Church are economic actors every day in their individual

lives, they also play an economic role united together as Church. On the parish and diocesan level,

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

through its agencies and institutions, the Church employs many people; it has investments; it has

extensive properties for worship and mission. All the moral principles that govern the just operation

of any economic endeavor apply to the Church and its agencies and institutions; indeed the Church

should be exemplary. The Synod of Bishops in 1971 worded this challenge most aptly: “While the

Church is bound to give witness to justice, she recognizes that anyone who ventures to speak to

people about justice must first be just in their eyes. Hence, we must undertake an examination of the

modes of acting and of the possessions and lifestyle found within the Church herself.”(10)

348. Catholics in the United States can be justly proud of their accomplishments in building

and maintaining churches and chapels, and an extensive system of schools, hospitals, and charitable

institutions. Through sacrifices and personal labor our immigrant ancestors built these institutions.

For many decades religious orders of women and men taught in our schools and worked in our

hospitals with very little remuneration. Right now, we see the same spirit of generosity among the

religious and lay people even as we seek to pay more adequate salaries.

349. We would be insincere were we to deny a need for renewal in the economic life of the

Church itself and for renewed zeal on the part of the Church in examining its role in the larger

context of reinforcing in U.S. society and culture those values that support economic justice.(11)

350. We select here five areas for special reflection: (1) wages and salaries, (2) rights of

employees, (3) investments and property, (4) works of charity, and (5) working for economic

justice.

351. We bishops commit ourselves to the principle that those who serve the Church—laity,

clergy, and religious—should receive a sufficient livelihood and the social benefits provided by

responsible employers in our nation. These obligations, however, cannot be met without the

increased contributions of all the members of the Church. We call on all to recognize their

responsibility to contribute monetarily to the support of those who carry out the public mission of

the Church. Sacrificial giving or tithing by all the People of God would provide the funds necessary

to pay these adequate salaries for religious and lay people; the lack of funds is the usual underlying

cause for the lack of adequate salaries. The obligation to sustain the Church's institutions—

education and health care, social service agencies, religious education programs, care of the elderly,

youth ministry, and the like—falls on all the members of the community because of their baptism;

the obligation is not just on the users or on those who staff them. Increased resources are also

needed for the support of elderly members of religious communities. These dedicated women and

men have not always asked for or received the stipends and pensions that would have assured their

future. It would be a breach of our obligations to them to let them or their communities face

retirement without adequate funds.

352. Many volunteers provide services to the Church and its mission which cannot be measured

in dollars and cents. These services are important to the life and vitality of the Church in the United

States and carry on a practice that has marked the history of the Church in this country since its

founding. In this tradition, we ask young people to make themselves available for a year or more of

voluntary service before beginning their training for more specific vocations in life; we also

recommend expanding voluntary service roles for retired persons; we encourage those who have

accepted this challenge.

353. All church institutions must also fully recognize the rights of employees to organize and

bargain collectively with the institution through whatever association or organization they freely

choose.(12) In the light of new creative models of collaboration between labor and management

A Commitment To The Future

described earlier in this letter, we challenge our church institutions to adopt new fruitful modes of

cooperation. Although the Church has its own nature and mission that must be respected and

fostered, we are pleased that many who are not of our faith, but who share similar hopes and

aspirations for the human family, work for us and with us in achieving this vision. In seeking

greater justice in wages, we recognize the need to be particularly alert to the continuing

discrimination against women throughout Church and society, especially reflected in both the

inequities of salaries between women and men and in the concentration of women in jobs at the

lower end of the wage scale.

354. Individual Christians who are shareholders and those responsible within church

institutions that own stocks in U.S. corporations must see to it that the invested funds are used

responsibly. Although it is a moral and legal fiduciary responsibility of the trustees to ensure an

adequate return on investment for the support of the work of the Church, their stewardship

embraces broader moral concerns. As part-owners, they must cooperate in shaping the policies of

those companies through dialogue with management, through votes at corporate meetings, through

the introduction of resolutions, and through participation in investment decisions. We praise the

efforts of dioceses and other religious and ecumenical bodies that work together toward these goals.

We also praise efforts to develop alternative investment policies, especially those which support

enterprises that promote economic development in depressed communities and which help the

Church respond to local and regional needs.(13) When the decision to divest seems unavoidable, it

should be done after prudent examination and with a clear explanation of the motives.

355. The use of church property demands special attention today. Changing demographic

patterns have left many parishes and institutions with empty or partially used buildings. The decline

in the number of religious who are teaching in the schools and the reduction in the number of clergy

often result in large residences with few occupants. In this regard, the Church must be sensitive to

the image the possession of such large facilities often projects, namely, that it is wealthy and

extravagant in the use of its resources. This image can be overcome only by clear public

accountability of its financial holdings, of its properties and their use, and of the services it renders

to its members and to society at large. We support and encourage the creative use of these facilities

by many parishes and dioceses to serve the needs of the poor.

356. The Church has a special call to be a servant of the poor, the sick, and the marginalized,

thereby becoming a true sign of the Church's mission—a mission shared by every member of the

Christian community. The Church now serves many such people through one of the largest private

human services delivery systems in the country. The networks of agencies, institutions and

programs provide services to millions of persons of all faiths. Still we must be reminded that in our

day our Christian concerns must increase and extend beyond our borders, because everyone in need

is our neighbor. We must also be reminded that charity requires more than alleviating misery. It

demands genuine love for the person in need. It should probe the meaning of suffering and provoke

a response that seeks to remedy causes. True charity leads to advocacy.

357. Yet charity alone is not a corrective to all economic social ills. All citizens, working

through various organizations of society and through government, bear the responsibility of caring

for those who are in need. The Church. too, through all its members individually and through its

agencies, must work to alleviate injustices that prevent some from participating fully in economic

life. Our experience with the Campaign for Human Development confirms our judgment about the

validity of self-help and empowerment of the poor. The campaign, which has received the positive

support of American Catholics since it was launched in 1970, provides a model that we think sets a

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

high standard for similar efforts. We bishops know of the many faithful in all walks of life who use

their skills and their compassion to seek innovative ways to carry out the goals we are proposing in

this letter. As they do this, they are the Church acting for economic justice. At the same time, we

hope they will join together with us and their priests to influence our society so that even more steps

can be taken to alleviate injustices. Grassroots efforts by the poor themselves, helped by community

support, are indispensable. The entire Christian community can learn much from the way our

deprived brothers and sisters assist each other in their struggles.

358. In addition to being an economic actor, the Church is a significant cultural actor concerned

about the deeper cultural roots of our economic problems. As we have proposed a new experiment

in collaboration and participation in decision making by all those affected at all levels of U.S.

society, so we also commit the Church to become a model of collaboration and participation.

C. The Road Ahead

359. The completion of a letter such as this one is but the beginning of a long process of

education, discussion, and action; its contents must be brought to all members of the Church and of

society.

360. In this respect we mentioned the twofold aim of this pastoral letter: to help Catholics form

their consciences on the moral dimensions of economic decision making and to articulate a moral

perspective in the general societal and political debate that surrounds these questions. These two

purposes help us to reflect on the different ways the institutions and ministers of the Church can

assist the laity in their vocation in the world. Renewed emphasis on Catholic social teaching in our

schools, colleges, and universities; special seminars with corporate officials, union leaders,

legislators, bankers, and the like; the organization of small groups composed of people from

different ways of life to meditate together on the Gospel and ethical norms; speakers' bureaus;

family programs; clearinghouses of available material; pulpit aids for priests; diocesan television

and radio programs; research projects in our universities—all of these are appropriate means for

continued discussion and action. Some of these are done best on the parish level, others by the state

Catholic conferences, and others by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops. These same

bodies can assist the laity in the many difficult decisions that deal with political options that affect

economic decisions. Where many options are available, it must be the concern of all in such debates

that we as Catholics do not become polarized. All must be challenged to show how the decisions

they make and the policies they suggest flow from the ethical moral vision outlined here. As new

problems arise, we hope through our continual reflection that we will be able to help refine Catholic

social teaching and contribute to its further development.

361. We call upon our priests, in particular, to continue their study of these issues so that they

can proclaim the gospel message in a way that challenges the faithful but that also sustains and

encourages their vocation in and to the world. Priestly formation in our seminaries will also have to

prepare candidates for this role.

362. We wish to emphasize the need to undertake research into many of the areas this

document could not deal with in depth and to continue exploration of those we have dealt with. We

encourage our Catholic universities, foundations, and other institutions to assist in these necessary

projects. The following areas for further research are merely suggestive, not exhaustive: the impact

of arms production and large military spending on the domestic economy and on culture; arms

production and sales as they relate to Third World poverty; tax reforms to express the preferential

A Commitment To The Future

option for the poor; the rights of women and minorities in the work force; the development of

communications technology and its global influences; robotics, automation, and reduction of

defense industries as they will affect employment; the economy and the stability of the family;

legitimate profit versus greed; securing economic rights; environmental and ecological questions;

future roles of labor and unions; international financial institutions and Third World debt; our

national deficit; world food problems; "full employment" and its implementation; plant closings and

dealing with the human costs of an evolving economy; cooperatives and new modes of sharing;

welfare reform and national eligibility standards; income support systems; concentration of land

ownership; assistance to Third World nations; migration and its effects; population policies and

development; the effects of increased inequality of incomes in society.

D. Commitment to a Kingdom of Love and Justice

363. Confronted by this economic complexity and seeking clarity for the future, we can rightly

ask ourselves one single question: How does our economic system affect the lives of people—all

people? Part of the American dream has been to make this world a better place for people to live in;

at this moment of history that dream must include everyone on this globe. Since we profess to be

members of a "catholic" or universal Church, we all must raise our sights to a concern for the well-

being of everyone in the world. Third World debt becomes our problem. Famine and starvation in

sub-Saharan Africa become our concern. Rising military expenditures everywhere in the world

become part of our fears for the future of this planet. We cannot be content if we see ecological

neglect or the squandering of natural resources. In this letter we bishops have spoken often of

economic interdependence; now is the moment when all of us must confront the reality of such

economic bonding and its consequences, and see it as a moment of grace—a kairos—that can unite

all of us in a common community of the human family. We commit ourselves to this global vision.

364. We cannot be frightened by the magnitude and complexity of these problems. We must

not be discouraged. In the midst of this struggle it is inevitable that we become aware of greed,

laziness, and envy. No utopia is possible on this earth; but as believers in the redemptive love of

God and as those who have experienced God's forgiving mercy, we know that God's providence is

not and will not be lacking to us today.

365. The fulfillment of human needs, we know, is not the final purpose of the creation of the

human person. We have been created to share in the divine life through a destiny that goes far

beyond our human capabilities and before which we must in all humility stand in awe. Like Mary in

proclaiming her Magnificat, we marvel at the wonders God has done for us, how God has raised up

the poor and the lowly and promised great things for them in the Kingdom. God now asks of us

sacrifices and reflection on our reverence for human dignity—in ourselves and in others—and on

our service and discipleship, so that the divine goal for the human family and this earth can be

fulfilled. Communion with God, sharing God's life, involves a mutual bonding with all on this

globe. Jesus taught us to love God and one another and that the concept of neighbor is without limit.

We know that we are called to be members of a new covenant of love. We have to move from our

devotion to independence, through an understanding of interdependence, to a commitment to human

solidarity. That challenge must find its realization in the kind of community we build among us.

Love implies concern for all—especially the poor—and a continued search for those social and

economic structures that permit everyone to share in a community that is a part of a redeemed

creation (Rom 8:21-23).

Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy

FOOTNOTES

Chapter V

1 Reconciliation and Penance, 13.

2 Justice in the World, 6.

3 Medellin Documents: Justice (1968), 4.

4 Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, 1; Pastoral Constitution, 42 and 45; Constitution on the Liturgy, 26;

Decree on the Church's Missionary Activity, 5; Liturgy and Social Justice, ed. by Mark Searle, (Collegeville, Minn:

Liturgical Press, 1980); National Conference of Catholic Bishops, The Church at Prayer (Washington, D.C.: United

States Catholic Conference, 1983).

5 Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, 36.

6 Justice in the World, 41.

7 National Conference of Catholic Bishops, To Teach as Jesus Did, A Pastoral Message on Education

(Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1972), 7.

8 Cf. Vatican Council II, Declaration on Christian Education, 3, 6. See also, Charter of the Rights of the Family,

5b; Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation, 94.

9 Pope John Paul II, On the Family (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1981), 6. See also

Robert N. Bellah, Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler, Steven M. Tipton, Habits of the Heart:

Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985); The Family Today

and Tomorrow: The Church Addresses Her Future (Braintree, Mass.: Pope John XXIII Medical-Moral Research and

Education Center, 1985).

10 Justice in the World, 40.

11 Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, 8.

12 National Conference of Catholic Bishops, Health and Health Care (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic

Conference, 1981), 50.

13 See ch. IV of this pastoral letter.